Labor Party

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• 9-11 Evil Perle was also once referred to as "The person in charge of World War III" by Britain's Labor Party Leader Denis Healey in the 1980's; plus, "In 1970, after the National Security Council ordered a wiretap of the Israeli Embassy in Washington, Perle was revealed to be passing classified information

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• War, was a close associate and political ally of Shimon Peres. In 1965, former prime minister Ben Gurion and his closest followers, including Shimon Peres and Moshe Day an, broke away from the ruling labor party, Mapai, and formed a separate minority faction, the Rafi or Workers' List. COVER - UP The U.S. government, military, and media all went along with the cover - up of the deliberate attack on the USS L

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• nd reportedly talked the wily Persian into dozens of contracts, one to build much of Tehran's airport. When one considers that Arnon Milchan, in his early twenties, was among the founders of Israel's Labor Party in the 1960s with Shimon Peres, Moshe Dayan, and Teddy Kolleck, then one can appreciate that his contracts in Iran and his career in arms dealing and Hollywood have been done with the active collabor

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• vasion. The memo reported that, to cir cumvent this, the intelligence and the facts were being “fixed” ar ound the policy to “justi- fy” military action. The May 5, 2005 general election returned the Labor Party to govern- ment, but with a substantially reduced majority. Meanwhile, in anticipation of the 31 st G8 summit meeting in Scotland scheduled for early July, 2005, there was major activism calling for

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• Arafat, I prefer Hamas...Arafat is a terrorist in a diplomat’s suit, while the Hamas can be hit unmercifully.” ( Ha’aretz , Dec. 4, 2001) This tirade provoked a walkout by Shimon Peres and the other Labor Party ministers. Arafat added his own view, which was that “Hamas is a creature of Israel which, at the time of Prime Minister Shamir, gave them money and more than 700 institutions, among them schools, un

14

• uential media Trilateralist is Hedley Donovan, editor-inchief of Time. member of the Council on Foreign Relations and director of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. According to the U.S. Labor Party: Donovan played a central role in the “faking of the Pres ident, 1976. Under his Trilateral direction, Time functioned as a black propaganda vehicle throughout the campaign and po st-election period,

17

• rk: Arlington House Publishers, 1974). 3. Times (London), 24 July 1976. 4. Michel J. Crozier, Samuel P. Huntington, Joji Watanuk i The Crisis of Democracy (N ew York: University Press, 1975). 5. U.S. Labor Party, The Trilateral Comm ission’s Coup d’Etat (New York: Campaign Publications, Inc., 1977), p. 13. . 6. Exormisis, 23 July 1976. 7. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Between Two Ages: America’s Role in the Technetro

19

• tes, to their own collective objectives. Let’s start at the beginning. The Trilateral Commission was David Rockefeller’s idea and promoted with David’s funds. (Leave aside for the time being the U.S. Labor party theory that Trilateralism uses the Rockefellers as a “cover” for a “British conspiracy.”) An interview with George S. Franklin, commission coordinator, by Michael Lloyd Chadwick, editor of The Freeme

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• s the new antithesis, replacing Nazi Germany. 1 There are exceptions. Obviously Review Of The News, American Opinion and Reason are large outside the c ontrolled right' frame. To some extent the U.S. Labor Party is outside the left frame but includes so much spurious material that its publications are hardly worth reading. He nry George sit clear-cut left exception. THE ORDER CREATES A MARXIST ANGOLA Angola,

19

• ntial media Trilateralist was Hedley Donovan, editor-in-chief of Time, member of the Council on Foreign Relations and director of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. According to the U.S. Labor Party: Donovan played a central role in the "faking of the President, 1976." Under his Trilateral direction, Time functioned as a black propaganda vehicle throughout the campaign and post-election period,

29

• tes, to their own collective objectives. Let's start at the beginning. The Trilateral Commission was David Rockefeller's idea and promoted with David's funds. (Leave aside for the time being the U.S. Labor party theory that Trilateralism uses the Rockefellers as a "cover" for a "British conspiracy.") An interview with George S. Franklin, former commission coordinator, by Michael Lloyd Chadwick, editor of The

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• ce workers and police, as the servants of the country; and in general, the laboring class and the workers in all trades; and all involuntary services rendered by the people. In a National Figure: the Labor Party. In a Court of Law: the deliberations of the jury, and the Court records as the field of activity of the Court reporter. In an Organization: the workers or employees; their attitude, efficiency and g

• ubtedly, havenever read Atlas Shrugged. What is significant is that they are facing—andgroping to identify—the same phenomenon.I quote from a news story in The New York Times of February 11, 1964:The Labor party is calling for a Government study of the emigration of Britishscientists to the United States, a problem known here as the “brain drain.”Labor’s action . . . followed the disclosure that Prof. Ian Bu

• tedly, havenever read Atlas Shrugged. What is significant is that they are facing—andgroping to identify—the same phenomenon.I quote from a news story in The New York Times of February 11, 1964:> The Labor party is calling for a Government study of the emigration of British> scientists to the United States, a problem known here as the “brain drain.”> Labor’s action . . . followed the disclosure that Prof. Ia

• .].8. Carl Trocki,Opium, Empire and the Global Political Economy (Routledge, 1999).9. Ibid.10. Ibid.11. Ibid.12. Ibid.13. Michael Ruppert, Crossing the Rubicon (New Society Publishers, 2004).14. U.S. Labor Party investigating team, Dope, Inc., Britain’s Opium War againstthe US, (New Benjamin Franklin House, 1978).15. Michael Ruppert, op. cit.16. Ibid.17. Christian de Brie, “Thick as Thieves,” Le Monde Diplom

• > (Israel’s Congress) are elected – but it’s an odd kind of election. This is> where Israel’s so-called democracy stops. It doesn’t make any difference which> party wins an election, the Likud or the Labor party, the elite Zionist Jews> rule in a dictatorial manner – giving favors to the elite clique and brutally> suppressing any dissent. > “Concerning Nazism/fascism, please let me clear a point. Germans are

• > (Israel’s Congress) are elected – but it’s an odd kind of election. This is> where Israel’s so-called democracy stops. It doesn’t make any difference which> party wins an election, the Likud or the Labor party, the elite Zionist Jews> rule in a dictatorial manner – giving favors to the elite clique and brutally> suppressing any dissent. > “Concerning Nazism/fascism, please let me clear a point. Germans are

• by the> Rothschilds] are elected – but it’s an odd kind of election. This is where> Israel’s so-called democracy stops. It doesn’t make any difference which party> wins an election, the Likud or the Labor party [or now the Kadima], the elite> Zionist Jews rule in a dictatorial manner – giving favors to the elite clique> and brutally suppressing any dissent. > Concerning Nazism/fascism, please let me clear a

• by the> Rothschilds] are elected – but it’s an odd kind of election. This is where> Israel’s so-called democracy stops. It doesn’t make any difference which party> wins an election, the Likud or the Labor party [or now the Kadima], the elite> Zionist Jews rule in a dictatorial manner – giving favors to the elite clique> and brutally suppressing any dissent. > Concerning Nazism/fascism, please let me clear a

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• connection to Israel, so that we don't lose them,' it said. Israel also refuses to recognise Jewish and Arabian intermarriage unless it is performed abroad. Isaac Herzog, outgoing leader of Israel's Labor Party, said in 2018 that intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews was a 'plague" which required a "solution'. Can you imagine if anyone else spoke or acted with such facism? They would be condemned by Israe

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• e has come. Another Labour Party ultra-Zionist front calling for protests at my events in 2018 was the Jewish Labour Movement which is affiliated to the Board of Deputies of British Jews, the Israeli Labor Party, Zionist Federation of the UK, and the World Labour Zionist Organisation, a faction within the World Zionist Organisation. The Jewish Labour Movement's stated objective is 'to maintain and promote La

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• Kerry three times to intervene on Milchan's behalf. Official political persuasions mean nothing at this level. Milchan is a close friend of far-right Netanyahu and also helped to establish the Israel Labor Party in 1968 with Peres and others including military leader Moshe Dayan. They were all equally far-right and hiding behind a 'socialist' smokescreen (as many still are today). Under the cover of his work

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• connection to Israel, so that we don't lose them,' it said. Israel also refuses to recognise Jewish and Arabian intermarriage unless it is performed abroad. Isaac Herzog, outgoing leader of Israel's Labor Party, said in 2018 that intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews was a 'plague" which required a "solution'. Can you imagine if anyone else spoke or acted with such facism? They would be condemned by Israe

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• e has come. Another Labour Party ultra-Zionist front calling for protests at my events in 2018 was the Jewish Labour Movement which is affiliated to the Board of Deputies of British Jews, the Israeli Labor Party, Zionist Federation of the UK, and the World Labour Zionist Organisation, a faction within the World Zionist Organisation. The Jewish Labour Movement's stated objective is 'to maintain and promote La

771

• Kerry three times to intervene on Milchan's behalf. Official political persuasions mean nothing at this level. Milchan is a close friend of far-right Netanyahu and also helped to establish the Israel Labor Party in 1968 with Peres and others including military leader Moshe Dayan. They were all equally far-right and hiding behind a 'socialist' smokescreen (as many still are today). Under the cover of his work

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• ilt by the Rothschilds] are elected — but it's an odd kind of election. This is where Israel's so-called democracy stops. It doesn't make any difference which party wins an election, the Likud or the Labor party [or now the Kadima], the elite Zionist Jews rule in a dictatorial manner — giving favors to the elite clique and brutally suppressing any dissent. Concerning Nazism/fascism, please let me clear a poi

• force for so many years? Only theleadership of Theodore Roosevelt seemed for a time to supersede them; and eventssince then have shown that it was Roosevelt and not his party who succeeded. TheFarmer-Labor Party, the Socialist Party despite years of campaigning have failedto become even strongly recognizable opponents to the established groups. Thedisunity of forces which seek to overthrow dominant groups is

• force for so many years? Only theleadership of Theodore Roosevelt seemed for a time to supersede them; and eventssince then have shown that it was Roosevelt and not his party who succeeded. TheFarmer-Labor Party, the Socialist Party despite years of campaigning have failedto become even strongly recognizable opponents to the established groups. Thedisunity of forces which seek to overthrow dominant groups is

17

• Wales, she became a member of then NSW Premier Bob Carr’s personal staff. She left that role in mid-2003, but remained an advisor to the NSW Labor government until 2005... Bob Carr and the Australian Labor Party are heavily implicated in the global child trafficking network. In 2010, Katherine Keating was filmed waving at accused pedophile Prince Andrew while leaving Jeffrey Epstein’s New York mansion. This

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• ctivities of those pedophiles in high public office – that is, the judiciary, the senior ranks of human services portfolios, some police and MPs, across the nation, especially within the ranks of the Labor Party . Yet you only have to recall in recent years the investigations, charges and successful convictions against such people as Darcy, Liddy, Wright, Wells, a former senator and other current and past MP

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• 164 ALP Law Reform My ears pricked up when our law lecturer said the Australian Labor Party (ALP) were the first political group to appoint Catholic judges in our predominantly Protestant country. The ALP also appointed the two reformers most cited in Australian law schools, Lionel Murphy (

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• , Eyewitness Accounts of Australia—1815-1850. Her son was born in 1971 and her daughter in 1974. A founding member (1972) of the Women's Electoral Lobby, Conlon stood unsuccessfully as the Australian Labor Party candidate for Mosman at a by -election for the Legislative Assembly in July 1972. Next year she was a convener of W.E.L.'s first national conference in Canberra. She helped to produce submissions on

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• imelight, preferring to be a 'backroom operator' and to rely on an impressive network of friends and supporters. Politically astute, she was one of the few women in WEL who belonged to the Australian Labor Party; she disavowed the prevailing philosophy that women should remain lobbyists and not join pol itical parties. To her profound grief, her marriage collapsed and in January 1979 she was divorced. Six mo

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• of Sydney’s Sancta Sophia College for five years, serving as a dorm supervisor under the alias ‘Veronica’ (or ‘Ronnie’) before being ‘discovered’ and died when I was 14 years old. Anne copied British Labor Party minister John Stonehouse who faked his own death after MI5 realized he was a Soviet spy. 322 Anne Conlon’s National Archives file is sealed for reasons of ‘national security’ which further supports t

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• 454 I spent my last embers of anger phoning Dr Reina Michaelson who asked me whether Salter had mentioned that he worked for a NSW Labor Party politician prior to entering the child abuse industry. No, Michael Salter had not told me he previously worked for the pedophile political party that I was sex trafficked to and by as a child , just

• on, To Make Men Free: A History ofthe Republican Party (New York: Basic Books, 2014), 109–18; White, VanishedTwin, 585–607; Mark A. Lause, The Civil War’s Last Campaign: James B. Weaver,the Greenback-Labor Party and the Politics of Race and Section (New York:University Press of America, 2001), 3–38, 105–46, 207–28.7 [ch27.html#ch27fn_7] Rutkow, Garfield, 53–59; White, Republic for Which ItStands, 573–77; Ack

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• Red Army, the Puerto Ri can terrorist Armed Forces of National Liberation (FALN), and the Black Liberati on Army. See also Carter and the Party of international Terrorism, Special Re port by the U.S. Labor Party, August, 1976. 22. Ferguson, Aquarian Conspiracy, p.24. 23. Criton Zoakos et al., Stamp Out the Aqua rian Conspiracy, Citizens for LaRouche monograph, New York, 1980, pp. 60-63. 24. Ibid.

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• the ill-fated Czar Nicholas II (r-1894-1917) ascended the Imperial throne, Russia was still prey to Freemasonry. In 1895, Lenin and nine others, including Leon Trotsky, founded the Social Democratic Labor Party, the forerunner of the Communist Party. 40 These revolutionists were divided between an extreme terrorist wing led by Lenin, and a broader and looser membership that had merged imperceptibly with rad

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• sdom of this strategy. Trygve Lie : Politically, Trygve Lie, the first United Nations secretary-general, was a dedicated socialist, a labor lawyer, and a high ranking membe r of the Social Democratic Labor party in Norway- an offshoot of the early Communist International. 8 According to Leon Trotsky, one of the founders of the worldwide Communist apparatus: "The Norwegian W orkers' party had the reputation o

• at the first glance, had foundall this out, it had merely to be asserted now with sufficient rhetoric andvehemence to change the face of the whole world. The Working Man would arise —in the form of a Labor Party, and with young men like Parload and myself torepresent him — and come to his own, and then —— — ?Then the robbers would get it hot, and everything would be extremelysatisfactory.Unless my memory pla

• o great political parties in Americarepresent only one English party, the middle-class Liberal party, the party ofindustrialism and. freedom. There are no Tories to represent the feudal system,and no Labor party. It is history, it is no mere ingenious gloss upon history,that the Tories, the party of the crown, of the high gentry and control, ofmitigated property and an organic state, vanished from America at

• nothing more than better wagesand rather more tolerable living conditions. There was nothing very democraticabout British trade unionism — as we have defined democracy in § 6 — and hardlymore in the Labor Party that derived from it. The British Labor Party has neverdisplayed any ambition to direct the affairs of the Empire. It aspires tonothing of the sort. It acknowledges the class inferiority of the worke

• system. It is sufficient to quote two examples: The example of the GermanRepublic, which did not touch the old educational system, and therefore neverbecame a republic: and the example of the British Labor Party, which lacks thedetermination to insist on a radical change in the educational system.Stalin: That is a correct observation. Permit me now to reply to, your threepoints.First, the main thing for the

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• bigger doses of inflation into the econom y followed by higher levels of unemployment as the next step. That is the history of the past twenty years. James Callaghan, British Prime Minister Speech to Labor Party conference, September 28, 1976 Quoted by Milton Friedman, Newsweek , December 6, 1976.

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• xsey and Baker parted ways, climaxing in an angry lawsui t.·�; The AMA had a field day, harping on Hoxsey' s affiliation with Baker fo r years to come . Baker went on to run fo r Iowa governor on the Labor Party ticket and kept blasting the AMA from XENT radio in Mexico after the FCC revoked his radio license . Charging the "Medical Trust" with offering him a million dollar s for his cancer cure, Baker sued

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• the receipt and transferral of information fr om spy satellites, the inter ception of phone calls from Europe, and the relaying of messages to the American nuclear submarine fleet. Gough Whitlam, the Labor Party candidate elected prime min- ister of Australia in 1972, was concerned about the cozy relationship between the ASIO, the Australian Security Intelligence Organization, and the CIA, and that ASIO had

• l Trade Mart, which became quite profitable sponsoring permanentindustrial expositions in the Caribbean.According to several separate sources, including Garrison’s files and aninvestigation by the US Labor Party, a short-lived political party that offeredLyndon LaRouche as a presidential candidate in 1976, Shaw’s International TradeMart was a subsidiary of a shadowy entity known as the Centro MondialeCommerc

• an Beurden, CEO, Royal Dutch Shell plcVictor Halberstadt, Professor of Economics, Leiden UniversityHer Royal Highness Princess Beatrix of the NetherlandsDiederik M. Samsom, Parliamentary Leader PvdA (Labor Party)Paul J. Scheffer, Author; Professor of European Studies, Tilburg UniversityEdith Schippers, Minister of Health, Welfare and SportGerrit Zalm, Chairman of the Managing Board, ABN-AMRO Bank N.V.NorwayS

6

• gan and Subsequent History 1 1 HOW FABIAN SOCIALISM BEGAN AND SUBSEQUENT HISTORY "Like all Socialists, I believe that the Socialist Society evolves in time into a Communist Society." — John Strachey, Labor Party Ca binet Minister. "In American newspaper jargon, John Strachey would be described as 'Marxist No. 1' and the title would be deserved." " Left News," March 1938. Fabian Socialism began with the Fabia

20

• t of office in general elections in 1950. The Fabian Society's legacy? An empty treasury, gol d reserves gone, pro- duction down to an all time low, it sought to dista nce itself from the discredited Labor Party on the grounds that "the Fabian Society is not a political party." Speaking in the House of Commons, a notable Sociali st, Albert Edwards said: "I have spent years discoursing on the defects of t he

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• al insurance (Social Security.) Perkins had sought and obtained a great deal of input from Sydney and Beatrice Webb, who pointed out to Perkins and R oosevelt, that the Fabian Society had drafted the Labor Party's 1918 election plank and had a lot of influ- ence in writing the Beveridge Plan which became the basis of Britain's Social Welfare. Thus, "The New Deal" by Graham Wallas, the Beveridg e Plan, and Sy

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• 98 One World Order: Socialist Dictatorship Webb's proposals written for the Labor Party in 191 8, and the economic "tax and spend" principles of the Fabian Society's John Mayn ard Keynes, were with adap- tations and minor adjustments the basis of Roosevel t's "New Deal." The role played

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• spiration, slogans and programs, the Democrat Party in effect became the S ocialist/Marxist/Communist Party of the United States. Johnson's "War on Pover ty" for instance, was origi- nally written by Labor Party Prime Minister Harold Wilson. In his address to the international Socialists, Harold Wilson made it cle ar that the intention of Socialist in Britain and the United States was to divert fund s for de

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• defenses. The much heralded "Marshall Plan" which is supposed to have saved Europe from ruination was in fact a "free trade" scam. The British people, tired of war crim- inal Winston Churchill, voted Labor Party leader Cl ement Attlee, Churchill's deputy Prime Minister and a Fabian Socialist elitis t to succeed him. It was Attlee who succeeded Ramsey McDonald, sent "to spy out the land" for Socialism in the

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• er people's money (OPM) to fund their Socialist excesses. We know abo ut the $7 billion dollar loan engineered by John Maynard Keynes to bail out the f ailed Socializing of the British people via the Labor Party. We also know ab out the Socialist scheme to fund other foreign countries via the so-called fore ign aid appropriations bill, an event that costs the American people close to $20 b illion annually, w

347

• nd the world which aggravated “situations” that developed into wars or revolutions. 1895 Standard Oil achieves a fleet of ocean-going ships. 1895 Lenin, Trotsky, and others form the Social Democratic Labor Party. 1895 Diphtheria vaccination program begins. Over the period lasting until 1907, 63,249 cases of diph- theria were treated with anti-toxin. Over 8,900 died, giving a fatality rate of 14%. Over the sa

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• as a conspiratorial movement? "As one technique to produce disorder, and I have very good documentation, if you'd like to see it." He reaches into a box and produces old handouts from the Progressive Labor Party and a clipping from Ebony warning that psychosurgery could be used to practice genocide on blacks. "You certainly know that disorder within the continental United States does not serve the stability

64

• ws,—was also acquired by conquest, and is the third largest area in the world. The Jewish influence now governs the British Empire. They have many representa tives in the House of Commons through the Labor party. In th e House of Lords they predominate thru their purchase of tit les and intermarriag e with the nobility. Formerly a King selected and ap pointed his lords and nobles from his brave warriors and

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• 201 Donald (labor party) government was in power; there was no substantial difference betwee n it and the preceding and suc- ceeding conservative governments. It is true now in England. The government of the British Empire

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• inflation: a Nebraska congressman pro - posed loans in new Treasury Notes at one-half percent to farmers, Senator Magnus Johnson urged a maximum rediscount rate of 2 percent, and the National Farmer–Labor Party called for the nationalization of all banking. Driven by their general desire to provide cheap and abundant credit to industry, as well as their pol - icy (as we shall see below) of helping Britain a

399

• National Consumers League, 176 National Credit Corporation, 274–76, 285, 296 National Economy League, 290 National Education Association, 176 National Electric Light Association, 212 National Farmer Labor Party, 122 National Farmers’ Union, 244, 308, 310 National Grange, 176, 225, 244, 310 National Housing Conference, 286 National Industrial Conference Board, 205–06 National Monetary Association, 175 Nation

223

• ding as their allies a motley collection of assorted socialists, pacifists, counter- cultural druggies, and Left Libertarians. The opposition within PFP was indeed being run by the Maoist Progressive Labor Party (PL), who the Draperites feared were plotting a takeover. Actually, it soon became clear that PL had no such intention, but were only keeping their hand in, and were using the West Side Club to recru

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• 118 Pelley, William Dudley, 45 Pentagon, 107 People or Personnel (Goodman), 194 perpetual war as concomitant of inflation, 107 Pew, J. Howard, 83 PFP. See Peace and Freedom Party PL. See Progressive Labor Party Plain Talk , 150 226 The Betrayal of the American Right

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• ign policy, 85 Preface, xxi Prejudice and the Press (Hughes), 121 presidential election of 1924, 16 of 1940, 38 of 1948, 139 of 1952, 123 of 1956, 141, 142 Progressive Labor Movement, 195 Progressive Labor Party (PL), 198 Progressive Party, 87, 93 prohibition, 9 Protestants absence from New Right, 160 pro-war sentiment alignment with foreign invest- ments, 38 Putnam, Samuel, 10 Queens College, 189 Radosh, Ro

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• le any attempt to go beyond mere reiteration of the ideal social goal, and to select and analyze more specifically political issues of the most urgent priority. In the Marxist movement, the Socialist Labor Party, which meets every political issue with only a reiteration of the view that "socialism and only socialism will solve the problem," is a classical example of ultra-sectarianism at work. Thus, the sect

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• ffering from a tax-crippled economy and aggravated inflation, the Tory party, for years in the hands of dedicated statists, has now been taken over by its free-market oriented faction, while even the Labor party has begun to draw back from the planned chaos of galIoping statism. In the United States, conditions are particularly hopeful; for here, in the last few years, there has coincidentally occurred (a) a

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• st, 203-204 Social democrats, 270 Social Impact of the Revolution, The (Nisbet), 66n Social Statics (Spencer), xlvii, 20111 Social utility, 202-203 Socialism, 212,269 Socialism (Mises), 52n Socialist Labor Party, 266 Sociology of Intervention, The (Gilfillan), 124n Sombart, Werner, 73 Southern Confederacy, xxx-xxxi Soviet Union, xxxvi, 185n Spadaro, Louis M., xlvi Speech, freedom of, 81,113-118 Spencer, Herb

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• le any attempt to go beyond mere reiteration of the ideal social goal, and to select and analyze more specifically political issues of the most urgent priority. In the Marxist movement, the Socialist Labor Party, which meets every political issue with only a reiteration of the view that "socialism and only socialism will solve the problem," is a classical example of ultra-sectarianism at work. Thus, the sect

300

• ffering from a tax-crippled economy and aggravated inflation, the Tory party, for years in the hands of dedicated statists, has now been taken over by its free-market oriented faction, while even the Labor party has begun to draw back from the planned chaos of galIoping statism. In the United States, conditions are particularly hopeful; for here, in the last few years, there has coincidentally occurred (a) a

334

• st, 203-204 Social democrats, 270 Social Impact of the Revolution, The (Nisbet), 66n Social Statics (Spencer), xlvii, 20111 Social utility, 202-203 Socialism, 212,269 Socialism (Mises), 52n Socialist Labor Party, 266 Sociology of Intervention, The (Gilfillan), 124n Sombart, Werner, 73 Southern Confederacy, xxx-xxxi Soviet Union, xxxvi, 185n Spadaro, Louis M., xlvi Speech, freedom of, 81,113-118 Spencer, Herb

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• — what even the British are calling the “En glish disease — the Tory party, for years in the hands of dedicated statists, has now been taken over by a free - market - oriented faction, while even the Labor party has been drawing back from the planned chaos of galloping statism. But it is in the United Sta tes that we can be particularly optimistic, for here we can narrow the circle of optimism to a short - r

• the popularCatholic Alfred Roncovieri. The pietist progressives were also thwarted for twodecades by the fact that San Francisco was ruled, for most of the years between1901 and 1911, by a new Union Labor Party, which won on an ethnically andoccupationally balanced ticket, and which elected the German-Irish CatholicEugene Schmitz, a member of the musician’s union, as mayor. And for eighteenyears after 1911,

• HarvardUniversity Press, 1955.Urofsky, Melvin I. Big Steel and the Wilson Administration. Columbus: Ohio StateUniversity Press, 1969.Valelly, Richard M. Radicalism in the States: the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Partyand the American Political Economy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989.Vietor, Richard H.K. “Businessmen and the Political Economy: The Railroad RateControversy of 1905.” Journal of American H

• .S. Weather Bureau, 271Underwood Tariff, 167Unemployment insurance, 292, 294, 324, 339, 354, 357, 360, 442, 491, 498, 514,522, 525Union Pacific Railroad, 42–46, 59–61, 68, 74, 225, 227, 354, 367Union Labor Party, 306Union Trust Co., 371Unions, 30, 38, 152, 154, 208, 216, 273, 277–81, 289–92, 325–26, 336, 339–40,347, 352, 357–58, 362, 383, 388, 402–03, 431, 442, 468, 491, 514–15, 517, 519,521, 525, 537–38See

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• mission belts’ for communist penetration of the nation.” • Havelock Ellis, famous sexologist, is mentioned as having achieved “notoriety” in a book “frequently banned on charges of obscenity.” • “The Labor Party policies have since been continuously deter- mined by the Fabian Society.” (Absurd exaggeration.) • “Lange, with his background as graduate of the London School of Economics, had no difficulty in pas

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• during the civil rights campaign of the early 1960s. Another favored lo- cation for SE picket action was Astoria, New York, where the NRP formations frequently engaged the Maoists of the Progressive Labor Party in the years be- tween 1973 and 1975. In 1974, the NRP ran a picket of the Israeli El Al Air- lines office on Rockefeller Plaza in downtown Manhattan, which brought the expected news coverage. Madole

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• during the civil rights campaign of the early 1960s. Another favored lo- cation for SE picket action was Astoria, New York, where the NRP formations frequently engaged the Maoists of the Progressive Labor Party in the years be- tween 1973 and 1975. In 1974, the NRP ran a picket of the Israeli El Al Air- lines office on Rockefeller Plaza in downtown Manhattan, which brought the expected news coverage. Madole

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• were making with Arafat right after the first Oslo agreement. Yitzhak Rabin, who was Prime Minister (this is now September 1993, the “great breakthrough”), was explaining it to his party, the Israeli Labor Party, or maybe it was to the Parliament. He pointed out that it would be a good idea to have Arafat’s forces carry out local administration, that is, run the local population, instead of the Israeli milit

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• security but because of a commitment to expa nsion. That is clear in Israeli sourc es. General Haim Bar-Lev, a leading figure in the gove rning Labor Party, expre ssed the common unde rstanding when he wrote in a Labor Party journa l that "we can have peace, but I think if we continue to hold out we can obtain more." The "more" that was of primary inter

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• The Utility of Interpretations Classics in Politics: Necessary Illusions Noam Chomsky 167 will really “renounce terror,” quoting officials from Rabin’s Labor Party and others in disbelief. 35 With appropriate interpretations, then, we can rest content that the United States and its clients defend democracy, social reform, and self- determination against Communi

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• el have been able to block for many years. But their position has largely been excluded from the media, which have adhered to the consensus of Israel’s two major political groupings, generally taking Labor Party rejectionism to represent the “peace option.” A problem develops when U.S. and Israeli positions diverge. One

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• the style “of regimes which neither Mr. Begin nor I would dare to mention by name,” Eban observed, recognizing the accuracy of the account). 31 Notice that this justification, offered by a respected Labor Party dove, places these actions squarely under the rubric of international terrorism by any reasonable definition, unless, again, we consider them to fall under the more serious crime of aggression—as of

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• Appendix V Classics in Politics: Necessary Illusions Noam Chomsky 398 The general Washington-media position has been that Palestinians must be satisfied with Labor Party rejectionism, which grants Israel control over the occupied territories and their resources, while excluding areas of dense Arab settlement so that Israel will not have to face the “demographic probl

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• referring to it. 62 But no matter: Arafat’s call for negotiations and mutual recognition is an “extremist” refusal “to recognize Israel and negotiate with it directly,” and the refusal of the Israeli Labor Party to consider this possibility is moderation and search for compromise. Pursuing the familiar conventions, Friedman writes that “it took Anwar Sadat to bring out the moderate in Moshe Dayan and Menache

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• ether Israel or the United States is “ready for peace.” For the United States, this is true by definition, since “peace” is defined as whatever Washington is prepared to accept. And since the Israeli Labor Party, with its “healthy pragmatism,” is basically in accord with U.S. rejectionism, it too is automatically “ready for peace.” The commitment to falsifying the record on this crucial matter reaches impres

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• es’s press advisor confirmed the report, commenting that “there is a principled objection to any contact with the PLO, which flows from the doctrine that the PLO cannot be a partner to negotiations.” Labor party functionary Yossi Beilin observed that “the proposal ... was dismissed because it appeared to be a tricky attempt to establish direct contacts when we are not prepared for any negotiations with any P

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• ght agree to certain concessions in Eastern Transjordan,” granting Jordan some of its current territory (the reference is presumably to the largely uninhabited desert areas). Later in April 1988, the Labor Party once again adopted a campaign platform rejecting Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories, and Rabin clarified that the plan was to allow 60 percent of the West Bank and Gaza Strip to be part

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• U.N. 242 and a two-state settlement. The change in Algiers was anything but revolutionary, as the record clearly indicates. What had changed was that Peace Now had now separated itself slightly from Labor Party rejectionism, moving along with mainstream opinion—which, a few months later and after no further change of any significance in the PLO position as we will see, registered support for negotiations wi

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• we’ll put 200 of theirs in the morgue,” and Israel will “obliterate” whatever the Palestinians construct if they threaten Israel “in any way.” The second is a “diplomatic solution” along the lines of Labor Party rejectionism, with enough power deployed to convince Israelis “to ignore Palestinian poetry” that they do not like. 111 Again, the familiar racist arrogance. Notably missing is any Palestinian Sasson

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• established in the mid-fifties to help corporations check the political background of potential employees” (evidently a worthy objective in a free society), and “Lyndon Larouche, founder of the U.S. Labor party.” 197 It is therefore necessary for the state itself to assume the “valid undertaking” of “throwing light on subversive designs.” The state must become directly engaged in a form of “consumer protect

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• of the Fanatics,” NYT Magazine, Oct. 7, 1988. 64 Editorial, NYT, June 13, 1988. 65 See references of note 59. 66 NYT , March 17, 21; June 2, 1985. 67 Peace Now had never clearly separated itself from Labor Party rejectionism. On its unclear and vacillating positions, considerably misunderstood in the United States, see below.

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• O—had never proposed a nonrejectionist peace settlement. Individuals associated with the group have done so, while others (notably Abba Eban) maintained an association with it while dearly advocating Labor Party rejectionism (see, e.g., his “The Central Question,” Tikkun 1.2, 1986). As of April 1988, leading activists in Israel were unable to provide me with a single textual example of support for a two-stat

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• s the new antithesis, replacing Nazi Germany. 1 There are exceptions. Obviously Review Of The News, American Opinion and Reason are large outside the c ontrolled right' frame. To some extent the U.S. Labor Party is outside the left frame but includes so much spurious material that its publications are hardly worth reading. He nry George sit clear-cut left exception. THE ORDER CREATES A MARXIST ANGOLA Angola,

19

• ntial media Trilateralist was Hedley Donovan, editor-in-chief of Time, member of the Council on Foreign Relations and director of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. According to the U.S. Labor Party: Donovan played a central role in the "faking of the President, 1976." Under his Trilateral direction, Time functioned as a black propaganda vehicle throughout the campaign and post-election period,

29

• tes, to their own collective objectives. Let's start at the beginning. The Trilateral Commission was David Rockefeller's idea and promoted with David's funds. (Leave aside for the time being the U.S. Labor party theory that Trilateralism uses the Rockefellers as a "cover" for a "British conspiracy.") An interview with George S. Franklin, former commission coordinator, by Michael Lloyd Chadwick, editor of The

248

• nal radio to carry his message, so he turned to town-hall meetings all over America. On June 12 the American League of Ex-Servicemen asked him to speak at a rally in favor of th e bonus with American Labor party Congressman Vito Marcantonio. Butler agreed, with the understanding that he spoke as an individual only, not as a

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• sophistry that had plunged America into World Wa r I with frightening warnings about the Kaiser. In September he endorsed the ca ndidacy of Representative Vito Marcantonio, of the left-wing Ameri can Labor party, for his antiwar, anti- Fascist stand. Butler's detr actors assailed this endorsement as "proof' that he was some kind of Red, ignoring

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• -116 Aguinaldo, Emilio, 41 Alaska, 234 Alber Lecture Bureau, 117 All Quiet on the Western Front, 105 American Civil Liberties Union, 13, 197 American Expeditionary Force (A.E.F.), 74, 77, 79 American Labor party (A.L.P.), 222, 229-230 American League of Ex-Servicemen, 222-223 American League against War and Fascism, 229 American Legion, 6, 7, 9, 11-15, 17, 22, 26, 29, 31, 82, 1 06, 116, 118, 128- 129, 135, 1

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• Easterwood, William E., 210 Eichelberger, Robert L., 241 Elliot, Camp, 62 England, 101-102, 225, 232-233, 236, 239 Estrada, Juan, 52, 53 Facts and Fascism, 171, 190 Farley, James A., 124, 201 Farmer-Labor party, 133, 134 Fascism, 21-23, 25, 29, 31, 32, 110, 113, 114, 134-136, 139, 153, 157, 160, 162-166, 169, 171-177, 179, 182, 184, 185, 187-189, 191-195, 197-202, 205, 207, 208, 213-216, 218, 222, 225-227,

81

• s,—was also acquired by conquest, and is the third largest area in the world. The Jewish influence now governs the British Empire. They have many repre- sentatives in the House of Commons through the Labor party. In the House of Lords they predominate thru their purchase of titles and intermarriage with the nobility. Formerly a King selected and appointed his lords and nobles from his brave warriors and land

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• tical parties that the Jews have ruled the world; it is their brand of their boasted "democracy." It was evidently true in England when the Peel amendment was adopted. It was tr ue when the McDonald (labor party) government was in power; there was no substantial difference between it and the preceding and succeeding conservative governments. It is true now in Eng- land. The government of the British Empire i

66

• thought that the Histadr ut is the Israeli version of the AFL-CIO in the US or the TUC in the UK, but it is in many ways more closely related to the Corleone crim e family. . . . The fact is that the Labor Party is behaving like t hose sandbox brats who say that if they cannot own the toy they will bust it, and if they cannot be in power in Israel, they will max imize the damage to the country by Histadrut s

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• sts poured into the pre-existing right-wing groups and placed themselves at the disposal of experienced organizers such as Avishai Raviv. On e of these new activists was my son Yigal. The election of Labor party leader Yitzhak Rabin as prime minister in 1992 was the climax of an extraordinary political comeback. Afte r four straight national election losses and more than 15 years in the political wild erness

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• tion government had to count on the support of five Arab members in the Knesset for its survival, though he could not be assured of these crucial votes indefinitely. And th ere was turmoil inside the Labor party itself Rabin had indicated his willingness to surrender most or all of the Golan Heights region to the Syrians, and a handful of Lab or members of the Knesset, led by the 1973 war hero Avigdor Kahala

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• Raviv had approached him and urged him to broadcast the sign on the nightly news report, and that he had even called later to be sur e that it had been included. In the Knesset the next morning, the Labor party ma de good use of the poster. Netanyahu was accused of having failed to condemn t hem. It helped reinforce the notion that the Likud was extremist and irresponsib le. In a radio interview shortly aft

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• agents of the Shin Bet who had been assigned the job of guarding the f eatured political leaders. The gathering, whose theme was "Yes to peace, no to violence," had been heavily advertised for weeks. Labor party-dominated municip alities and unions pulled out all stops in their drive to generate a large turnout fo r the rally. Some of the biggest names in Israeli entertainment were recruited to perform. In a

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• rather about how to exploit them for political gain. Former Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir used them as a way to apply pressure on President Bush to show the Israeli people how tough he could be. The Labor Party, headed by

40

• law firm Lord, Day & Lord. Winston Lord was chairman of the CFR in 1983. The Fabian Society is perhaps one of the most interesting of the foundations in that it had enough influence to form Britain’s Labor Party in 1906. Itself founded in London in 1883, Fabian drew its name from the ancient Roman general Fabius, who defeated the army of Hannibal through guerilla tactics. The Society’s stated purpose in its

40

• law firm Lord, Day & Lord. Winston Lord was chairman of the CFR in 1983. The Fabian Society is perhaps one of the most interesting of the foundations in that it had enough influence to form Britain’s Labor Party in 1906. Itself founded in London in 1883, Fabian drew its name from the ancient Roman general Fabius, who defeated the army of Hannibal through guerilla tactics. The Society’s stated purpose in its

• lppeople, with 60 percent convinced they are actually dishonest. In consideringcareers, “they’d rather do almost anything else” than run for political office.8[Notes.html#C8F08] As the former British Labor Party leader Ed Miliband noted,corrupted politics diminishes the spirit of community so vital to a generous,caring society because it “sends the message that anything goes, that right andwrong don’t matter

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• 967, a CIA operation, employing some of th e Agency's Cuban exile agents, tracked down Che Guevara, resulting in his summary execution. Australia, 1972-75 The CIA channeled millions of dollars to the Labor Party's opposition, but failed to block Labor's election. When the party took power in December 1972, it immediately rankled Washington by calling home Australian m ilitary personnel from Vietnam and denou

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• decisions across Americ a. Meanwhile, the far-ranging effects of the Bloom sbury group is seen in England today after its decades of socialist penetration. The Fabians started England's influen tial labor party and never looked back. Edwardian England and the era of the aristocracy is no more. A more plebian Engl and has replaced it, though it has used those from the inte llectual aristocracy to bring this

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• s, these were parties of the people rather than the banks. They included the Populist Party, the Greenback and Greenback Labor Parties, the Labor Reform Party, the Antimonopolist Party, and the Union Labor Party. They advocated expanding the national currency to meet the needs of trade, reform of the banking system, and democratic control of the financial system. 7 Money reform advocates today tend to argue

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• o be withdrawn and replaced with hard currency, producing further contraction of the money supply and deeper depression. In 1878, the Scarecrow and the Tin Woodman joined forces to form the Greenback-Labor Party. They polled over one million votes and elected 14 Representatives to Congress. They failed to get a new issue of Greenbacks, but they had enough political clout to stop fur- ther withdrawal of exist

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• followings. Return to Oz: Coxey Runs for President Nearly four decades after he had led the march on Washington that inspired the march on Oz, Jacob Coxey reappeared on the scene to run on the Farmer-Labor Party ticket for President. Coxey, who was nothing if not persistent, actually ran for office thirteen times between 1894 and 1936. He was elected only twice, as mayor of Massillon, Ohio, in 1932 and 1933;

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• India was off to a good start, but it got sucked into massive foreign debts by the engineered oil crisis of 1974 and a banker-manipulated Congress that took on unnecessary IMF debt. 10 The Australian Labor Party, while holding public ownership of infrastructure out as an ideal, has not had enough political power to put that ideal into practice, at least not lately. At the turn of the twentieth century, Austr

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• ted in The Federal Observer 4:172 (June 21, 2004), federalobserver.org. See “The Bankers’ Manifesto and Sustainable Development,” afn.org/~govern/ safe.html (June 9, 1998). 11. “Profile of the Farmer-Labor Party,” Buttons and Ballots (July 1997), reprinted at msys.net. 12. “Massillon’s J.S. Coxey Led First March on D.C.,” The Enquirer (Cincinnati), April 16, 2003; “Jacob Coxey,” spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk. 13

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• ere very different before, apart from the differences of style that trace to the differing constituencies of the political blocs. Netanyahu’s plan is “Allon Plus,” an amplification of the traditional Labor Party Allon Plan that grants Israel effective control over desirable regions and resources of the occupied territories. Barak’s “alternative” is what he calls “the expanded Allon Plan,” which amounts to ab

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• reason- able prospects for a peaceful resolution of the conflict. The precondition, of course, was for the U.S. itself to join this consensus and cease its support for the adamant rejectionism of the Labor Party and then

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• ontrasted Begin’s reliance on force and violence, his deception, his high-handed rejection (at first) of an official inquiry, and his efforts to evade responsibility, with the stand of the opposition Labor Party both now and when it had held power. The “beautiful Israel” of earlier years was disappearing, because of Begin and Sharon. Col. Eli Geva, who had been dismissed from the IDF* after refusing to lead

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• Israel, the Beirut massacre evoked much anguish and an unprecedented wave of protest against the government, including an immense popular demonstration, backed, for the first time, by the opposition Labor Party. There was, however, little evidence of any significant loss of support for Begin and his governing Likud coalition. The strong and often passionate support for the military operation in Lebanon on t

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• vely concealed in the United States. Colonel Geva’s comment, cited above, may well be accurate, but the question of timing is of some significance, as is the stance—both current and historical—of the Labor Party that dominated the pre-state Zionist movement and ruled from the establishment of the state to 1977. This is a question that will be addressed below. The record shows quite clearly, I believe, that i

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• itary historian Meir Pail, formerly head of the Officers Training School of the IDF and an Israeli dove, might well have had the League in mind when he described the ways in which “Golda Meir and the Labor Party destroyed pluralism and debate within the old Zionist framework,” mimicking “Joseph Stalin’s tendency towards communist parties all over the world,” whose interests were to be “subjugated...to the po

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• -Semitism” (or in the case of Jews, “Jewish self-hatred”) to silence critics of Israel has been quite a general and often effective device. Even Abba Eban, the highly-regarded Israeli diplomat of the Labor Party (considered a leading dove), is capable of writing that “One of the chief tasks of any dialogue with the Gentile world is to prove that the distinction between anti- Semitism and anti-Zionism [genera

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• to, “American-made helicopters and spare parts went from Israel to Rhodesia—now Zimbabwe— despite a trade embargo during the bitter war against guerrillas, the Commerce Department has disclosed.” The Labor Party journal quotes the head of South Africa’s military industry as saying that Israeli “technological assistance permits South Africa to evade the arms embargo imposed upon it because of its racial polic

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• The Origins of the “Special Relationship” Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 89 account of Israeli government (Labor Party) policies from 1967-1973. Many U.S. publishers were approached for an English edition, but none was willing to undertake it. 18. Cited by Zunes, “Strange Bedfellows.” 19. See, for example, Pro-Arab P

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• ejectionist commitments and assumptions. 2.2 Israel Within Israel, the policy debate has been much narrower in scope. There are two major political groupings in Israel, the coalition dominated by the Labor Party (the Labor Alignment, Ma’arach), and the Likud coalition dominated by Menachem Begin’s Herut Party. The Labor Party governed with various partners until 1977, the Likud coalition since then. 2.2.1 Th

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• less so as to avoid what is called “the demographic problem,” that is, the problem of absorbing too many non-Jews within the Jewish State. To the present, this remains essentially the position of the Labor Party, as we shall see. Thus former Prime Minister Rabin, interviewed in the Trilateral Commission journal in January 1983, states that “speaking for myself, I say now that we are ready to give back roughl

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• eli sovereignty over the West Bank and Gaza and has virtually annexed the Golan Heights, though it was willing to return the Sinai in full to Egypt—over strong objections from leading segments of the Labor Party—in the context of the Camp David accords. * Like Labor 19 , Likud also apparently intends to keep the Gaza Strip. Contrary to what is often assumed, Likud has not called for annexation of the West Ba

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• consistently rejectionist, willing to grant no national rights to the indigenous Arab population. Israel’s consistent rejectionism is founded on the attitudes expressed by the long-time leader of the Labor Party, David Ben-Gurion, when he stated that the Palestinian Arab shows no “emotional involvement” in this country: Why should he? He is equally at ease whether in Jordan, Lebanon or a variety of places. T

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• Rejectionism and Accomodation Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 115 Similar views were expressed by Prime Minister Golda Meir of the Labor Party, much admired here as a grandmotherly humanitarian figure, in her remark that: It was not as though there was a Palestinian people in Palestine considering itself as a Palestinian people and we came

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• Rejectionism and Accomodation Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 116 State” in the official words of the Labor Party, 31 the “Palestinian State” in Likud rhetoric. This is not, of course, the position of what might reasonably be called the “peace movement,” a small but significant minority that adheres to the inter

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• ts sympathizers prefer,” in an interchange that exhausts the usual range of tolerable opinion: Hertzberg (with the assent of Irving Howe) representing the position of “Jewish moderates, headed by the Labor Party,” and Ivan Novick, President of the

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• Rejectionism and Accomodation Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 119 biblical rights is common in both political groupings. 34 Thus Shimon Peres, the socialist leader of the Labor Party, accepted Begin’s rationale for retaining the West Bank, writing: “There is no argument in Israel about our historic rights in the land of Israel. The past is immutable and the Bible is the decisive

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• correctly no doubt, that his statement would pass unchallenged in the United States, where he is presented as an advocate of peace and conciliation. He might, however, have argued correctly that the Labor Party resorted to this technique of collective punishment in the case of people suspected of some act of violence (or resistance, depending on one’s point of view) far more extensively than he did. The Wes

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• Institute survey of West Bank opinion, also of interest were the attitudes expressed towards the two Israeli political groupings. 0.9% preferred to see Begin’s Likud in power, while 2% preferred the Labor Party. 93% registered complete indifference. As for Camp David, 2% felt it helped the Palestinian cause, while 88% regarded it as a hindrance. In news reporting as in editorial commentary in the United Sta

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• ard the Camp David Agreement, to which it pledges (and demands of others) total fidelity. 57 The poll results reflect the attitudes of those who have learned about the occupation, as conducted by the Labor Party and then Likud, from their own lives. They are deprived of New York Times editorials, and therefore—as their low regard for the Labor Party indicates—they are unaware that under the Labor Party the o

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• he same authority explains that there are genuine “moderates” who might “agree to whatever is left of the concept of partition” (presumably he has in mind “territorial compromise” in the sense of the Labor Party). He even tells us who they are: Mayor Freij and dismissed Mayor Shawa (both of whom continue to support the PLO; see section 2.3.1 above), and Mustafa Dudin who, he informs us, “has met with the dis

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• Rejectionism and Accomodation Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 136 been angrily rejected by Israel. 64 In internal discussion in Israel, Labor Party doves recognized that a peace settlement was within reach, but recommended against it on the grounds that territorial gains would be possible if they held out. 65 Israel’s only reaction to Sadat’s of

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• was also the PLO, who never seem to cease their machinations. 74 Israel refused to attend the January 1976 Security Council session, which had been called at Syrian initiative. The Rabin government—a Labor Party government regarded as dovish—announced that it would not negotiate with any Palestinians on any political issue and would not negotiate with the PLO even if the latter were to renounce terrorism and

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• was prepared to sign a peace treaty with Israel if it withdrew from all Arab territories captured in the 1967 war, and if a Palestinian state was created on the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip.” The Labor Party journal Davar quoted Prime Minister Rabin’s response to this disturbing “peace offensive”: But there is nothing new in all of this, in the objectives that the Arabs wish to obtain, stressed the Prime

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• LO in favor of subsequent resolutions which drastically modify its terms, for reasons that are hardly obscure. 81 We should note that the Convenant holds a rejectionist view comparable to that of the Labor Party and Likud. A few months after releasing the 1977 peace plan, the PLO endorsed the Soviet-American statement of October 1977, which called for the “termination of the state of war and establishment of

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• dle East, where the U.S. role is to remain predominant. 85 Israel has also consistently opposed the idea, adamantly so if the PLO participates. The reason was explained by Prime Minister Rabin of the Labor Party after the Knesset had approved a resolution to this effect. If Israel agrees to negotiate “with any Palestinian element,” he stated, this will provide “a basis for the possibility of creating a third

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• Rejectionism and Accomodation Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 145 state: “I repeat firmly, clearly, categorically: it will not be created.” 86 The Labor Party’s rejection of the right of the Palestinians to any meaningful form of self-determination has been consistent and exceptionless. Sadat’s dramatic visit to Jerusalem did not open the way to negotiatio

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• acre of innocents in Beirut.” We must reject both of these extremes, he urges, and take the “middle ground,” which is described rather vaguely, but is intended to be understood as the position of the Labor Party, it appears. Now of course, every commentator sees himself as occupying the middle ground between the extremists. The question is: who stands at the two extremes? As the sole example of those “Jews i

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• to the just- announced Saudi (Fahd) peace plan of August 1981, 105 a response which he found “shocking, frightening, if not downright despair-- producing.” * Elon had good reason for his despair. The Labor Party journal Davar * Israeli Foreign Minister Yitzhak Shamir stated that “Even the suggestion of Saudi recognition of Israel is not new.” The Saudi plan called for a two-state settlement on the 1967 bord

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• ng and sometimes ambiguous steps of the PLO and the Arab states over the past years towards a political settlement, which, whatever one thinks of them, clearly go far beyond anything that the Israeli Labor Party has been willing to consider and in fact go beyond what the Israeli “Peace Now” group has proposed. American commentators are still more extreme in their rejection of the historical record, as in the

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• d TNCW. 8. See, for example, Tom Hayden, The American Future (South End, Boston, 1980), for argument in support of his rejectionist position on the Arab-Israeli conflict (roughly, that of the Israeli Labor Party), in essentially the terms described. On his support for the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, which went well beyond the position of the Labor Party, see chapter 6, section 6.4. 9. For references, see TN

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• ties for Peace”), Trialogue, Winter 1983. 18. New York Times, Nov. 1, 1982. Lewis, who has been one of the most outspoken critics of recent Israeli policies in U.S. journalism, basically supports the Labor Party position, it appears. 19. Boston Globe, June 1, 1978; Ma’ariv, Oct. 11, 1981; Israeli Mirror, London. 20. Amos Perlmutter, New York Times, May 17, 1982. 21. Kapeliouk, Israel, pp. 220, 21. Ben-Gurion

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• Chomsky 163 30. Flapan, Zionism and the Palestinians, p. 83. 31. See TNCW, p. 231, citing an official government document. As noted, this state is to incorporate parts of the West Bank, according to Labor Party doctrine. 32. The reference is to Israel’s demand, later abandoned, that the negotiations take place in Jerusalem, recognized by virtually no one (specifically, not by the U.S.) as Israel’s capital.

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• dation Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 164 47. Menachem Golan, letter, Jerusalem Post, Nov. 3, 1982. 48. New Outlook, June/July 1982. Rubinstein covers the West Bank for the Labor Party journal Davar. 49. Danny Rubinstein, Davar, Nov. 15, 1982. There is an up-beat account the preceding day by David Richardson in the English-language Jerusalem Post. 50. Michael Precker, “A maverick v

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• 976, Dec. 21, 1980; see TNCW, pp. 281f., for fuller discussion. 59. Pryce-Jones, “The Palestinian pattern.” 60. Al Hamishmar, August 20, 1982. Saif ad-din Zuabi, who has long been associated with the Labor Party, was Vice-President of the Knesset and a high official of the Ministry of Agriculture. 61. Kapeliouk, Israel, p. 281, citing an interview with Eric Rouleau, Le Monde, February 19, 1970. 62. Kimche, T

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• Israeli press, but in the Times Sharon is safe from refutation. 100. TNCW, pp. 296-7. In this interchange, 6 Israelis and 450 Arabs, nearly all Lebanese civilians, were reported killed. 101. Migvan (Labor Party), October/November 1982, quoting Aluf Hareven of the Van Leer Institute, in a debate on “Zionism - 82” held at Tel Aviv University. 102. See TNCW, pp. 458f., and discussion below. 103. Walter Lippman

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• ational Council once again after he was prevented from addressing the group (the resignation was not accepted; see Trudy Rubin, Christian Science Monitor, March 11, 1983; it is also worth noting that Labor Party leader Shimon Peres had succeeded in preventing him from speaking at the Socialist International

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• aking body as proof of PLO iniquity. 117. Ha’aretz, July 10, 1981, cited in a July 1982 publication (Who will stop them?, Hebrew), of the Committee Against the War in Lebanon, Jerusalem. 118. Migvan, Labor Party Monthly, August 1982. For further discussion of these matters, see TNCW, Tillman, The United States in the Middle East, and the regular reporting in such journals as the New Outlook, Israel & Palesti

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• e fled or were expelled from the con- quered territories during and after the 1967 war 21 . In a detailed * This fact, previously unknown, was revealed by former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of the Labor Party, who at the time was commander of Israel’s northern region, where the expulsions took place. He estimates that 3-5000 Arabs— Israeli citizens—were expelled by the Army to Syria at that time. These Ar

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• he informs us, he prepared a longer study of these problems “in the framework of the Tel-Aviv University Research Project on Peace,” a name that Orwell would have appreciated. In September 1973, the Labor Party approved the “Galili Protocols,” which called for extensive additional rural and urban settlement and

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• astructure or development.” Their boundaries are “sharply defined and no building will be permitted outside them” (there is virtually no room within them). These plans, he notes, are supported by the Labor Party under its current version of the Allon Plan, a fact which “makes nonsense of the [Labor] Alignment plan to keep only those areas where there is low density Arab population.” 57

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• where, also a standard doctrine even among critics of Israeli policies. It would be difficult to justify this conclusion on the basis of the historical record. A more accurate picture is presented by Labor Party Knesset member (Gen.) Chaim Herzog, a military historian and former Israeli diplomat and the successful Labor Party candidate for President in March 1983. He writes that “We must be guided in our [fo

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• or is “in favor of certain settlements in the Jordan Valley, the greater Jerusalem area [which is by now very “great”], Gush Etzion [in the West Bank] and the southern part of the Gaza Strip.” 64 The Labor Party position is elaborated further by Uzi Shimoni of Kibbutz Ashdot Yaakov, head of the propaganda (hasbara) branch of the

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• Likud government, with tacit Labor backing, indeed, extending Labor’s policies when in office. “The economy of the West Bank,” he states, * Lewis, whose position generally accords with that of the Labor Party, is considered so “anti-Israel” by the American Zionist establishment that their press urges readers to boycott his talks (Jewish Week, New York; reported by Jewish Post & Opinion. Dec. 3, 1982). Lik

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• ion of the refugees from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank to Jordan. To achieve this we have to come to agreement with King involving a territorial compromise between us and the Arabs,” i.e., the Labor Party position; Ha’aretz, Nov. 28, 1982 (Israeli Mirror). The platform of Peace Now opposes “continued rule over another people” and calls for “partition of the Land of Israel,” but is unclear about precis

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• is much diversity within this community and it is a great over- simplification, as we shall see, to contrast Sephardi hawks to Ashkenazi doves. These segments of the population had long regarded the Labor Party and its institutions as an oppressive bureaucracy, representing management and the hated kibbutzim, often islands of wealth and luxury alongside of “development towns”—notorious for their lack of dev

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• e in the Oriental community as a whole, a reflection of the “servant-master” relation between the Oriental Jewish proletariat and “the two socialist institutions that serve as the show- window of the Labor party,” the Histadrut and the kibbutzim. The kibbutzim are hated by the working class particularly for their attitudes of “arrogance” and “bossism,” and for “the impossibility of establishing real human re

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• m a cultural, economic and social class standpoint.” “Mapai also destroyed us from the point of view of our self- image. That will not be forgotten easily.” He complains, characteristically, that the Labor Party organized the lives of the Oriental Jews in the Ma’abarot “the way they organize the lives of the Arabs in Gaza today.” When the immigration of Russian Jews began, these tensions became far worse, be

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• violence of the 1981 electoral campaign, which evoked memories of Germany and Austria in the early 1930s among older citizens, 87 was a reflection of these conflicts. The bitterness is so great that Labor Party leader Shimon Peres was literally unable to speak in the northern city of Kiryat Shemona, even with hundreds of security officers present to main- tain order. Crowds shouting “Begin King of Israel” 8

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• t officials who did not even take the trouble to check the information, provided by an Israeli soldier. 114 A week later, Yoram Peri again published sections of the report transmitted to Begin by the Labor Party delegation. There had been no question raised in the Knesset concerning it, he noted, and the matter had been passed over silently elsewhere. But, he added bitterly, why be surprised? “After all, who

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• ons prefer not to know the facts. The League had been an affiliate of the New York-based International League for Human Rights, but was suspended in 1973 on the interesting grounds that the governing Labor Party had attempted to take over and destroy the League by methods so crude that they were quickly blocked by the Israeli Courts; on similar grounds, it would be proper for Amnesty International to suspend

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• the New York Times Book Review, discovering to his sorrow that all was not well, primarily because of Menachem Begin. 152 His comments caused much distress in Israel, even eliciting an article in the Labor Party journal Kol Hair reporting that “the former diplomat Zvi Rafiach recently returned [from the U.S.] quite shaken, bringing with him the issue” with Howe’s review. The journal comments, a bit unfairly,

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• ackgrounds Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 271 admire and think of ourselves as partisans of Israeli society,” indeed an “ardent supporter,” and who continues to support the Labor Party, which was responsible for initiating these practices, with no detectable qualifications. It is not entirely clear how to reconcile Howe’s self-description as an “ardent supporter”—still less, the pi

272

• ael and Palestine: Historical Backgrounds Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 275 example they provide, letting the interested reader know how to obtain more information. In the Labor Party journal, we read about “genetic experiments” that have shown that “the genetic differences among Jewish communities [Poland and Yemen are cited] are smaller than those between Gentiles and Jews” (the

280

• as extremist as Arafat”—who, in fact, has urged negotiations and a two-state settlement for years, going beyond even the Israeli Peace Now movement (which is vague about these matters), let alone the Labor Party, in a search for a peaceful settlement (see final * in section 4.2.3 above and chapter 3). It is an interesting commentary on left-liberal American intellectuals that this is taken seriously here. Pr

285

• Triangle Noam Chomsky 288 9. The Zionist Movement and the PLO n the pre-state period, the nuclei of the two present political group- ings were in often bitter conflict, in part, class conflict. The Labor Party was a party of Jewish workers (NB: not workers; in fact, it opposed efforts by the Mandatory government to improve the conditions of Arab workers * while urging a boycott of their labor and produce),

286

• ateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 289 The two factions also differed in their political tactics when the prospects for a Jewish state became realistic. Supporting a British parti- tion proposal of 1937, Labor Party leader David Ben-Gurion stated that: The acceptance of partition does not commit us to renounce Transjordan; one does not demand from anybody to give up his vision. We shall accept a state in the bou

288

• fice, Ben-Gurion changed his views and came to oppose the expansionist policies he had always advocated and pursued while in a position of authority, thus isolating himself completely from his former Labor Party associates. By some remarkable logic, this fact is regularly adduced by Labor supporters here to show how conciliatory Labor Zionism really was. See chapter 6, section 6.3, below, for one of many exa

295

• ateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 298 Egyptian charges against the captured terrorists, denouncing the “show trial...against a group of Jews...victims of false accusations.” The journal of the governing Labor Party accused the Egyptian government of “a Nazi-inspired policy,” though the government was well aware of the facts. 211 There are numerous other examples. Perhaps the most remarkable illustration of the

318

• ise Lost.” 188. See TNCW, pp. 257f., for citations and further references. See also note 14, above. 189. See TNCW, p. 439, for some references. For the Arlosoroff memorandum, published in 1948 in the Labor Party journal Jewish Frontier, see Khalidi, ed., From Haven to Conquest. 190. For quotes from some contemporary documents, see Peace in the Middle East?, p. 88. See also Flapan, Zionism and the Palestinian

322

• tions to the north and east was dual: to disperse the Palestinian refugees, and to embitter relations between them and the local population in the areas to which they had been driven. As explained by Labor Party dove Abba Eban: “there was a rational prospect, ultimately fulfilled, that affected populations would exert pressure for the cessation of hostilities.” Eban was writing in condemnation of an article

328

• haim Margalit reports that in February 1976 a boat with Maronite leaders was received secretly in Haifa. He quotes Amos Eran, then General Manager of the office of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of the Labor Party, who explains further that the Maro- nites were divided into a group that wanted to undertake joint actions with Israel and those who saw Lebanon as part of the Arab world. The Rabin government suppo

341

• to explain why. Some lived only a few hundred yards away, but they were not even provided with water from the pumping stations built for the modern town of Yamit, one of the proud achievements of the Labor Party. 30 This was only one phase in the expulsion of the Bedouin from their lands in

354

• seriousness of this point, Israel warned Egypt during the Lebanese war that if Egypt were to respond by severing diplomatic links, “the Israeli army would be used against Egypt.” This was reported by Labor Party chairman Shimon Peres at a meeting of Labor Knesset members, and “aroused anger among the ruling coalition, but has not been denied by any government spokesman.” 55 The warning was presumably thought

355

• are nasty people” but because “the subject on the agenda” can only be a Palestinian state, to which Israel will never agree because it must retain “part of’ the West Bank. Similarly the leader of the Labor Party, Shimon Peres, explains that “Israel cannot conduct negotiations with the PLO; not only because of the PLO’s past but because of the geographical map

373

• Peace for Galilee Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 376 part well,” the Labor Party journal Davar wrote, commenting on the visit to the U.S. by Foreign Minister Yitzhak Shamir that ended with a photograph at the White House with Reagan looking somber instead of smiling at his guest,

377

• r—peace and warfare—- humane. One may mention, of course, that only in the Orwellian language of 1984 can occupation be liberal, and there is indeed a connection between the “liberal occupation” [the Labor Party boast] and a war which equals peace. 93 Excuses and explanations were discarded almost as quickly as they were produced: the Argov assassination attempt, defense of the border settle- ments, a 25-mil

383

• unts were given by Israeli soldiers and journalists. In Knesset debate, Menachem Begin responded to accusations about civilian casualties by recalling the words of Chief of Staff Mordechai Gur of the Labor Party after the 1978 invasion of Lebanon under the Begin government, cited in introduction to chapter 5. When asked “what happens when we meet a civilian population,” Gur’s answer was that “It is a civilia

394

• on is comparable to the war against Hitler was also invoked by Prime Minister Begin in a letter to President Reagan in which he portrayed himself as marching to “Berlin” to liquidate “Hitler.” To the Labor Party spokesman on foreign affairs, Abba Eban, this seemed “a dark and macabre fantasy,” “one of the most bizarre documents in recent diplomatic history,” an example of “losing touch with reality.” * Other

437

• spondingly soared to record heights. A mid-August poll showed that Begin’s Likud would capture 66 seats in the 120-member Knesset if elections were held then (up from 48 in the 1981 elections), while Labor Party support dwindled to 35 seats (47 in 1981). * More than 80% supported the invasion of Lebanon (which was supported, publicly at least, by the Labor opposition), and 64% approved of the decision to go

438

• Peace for Galilee Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 441 50-40 to accept Sharon’s statement, rejecting by 52-38 a Labor Party statement that “the military advantage gained by the heavy bombing and shelling of Beirut ‘did not justify the damage caused Israel’,” obviously the only relevant consideration. 193 None of this affe

443

• lilee Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 446 “immediately translated it to her friends, pointing out its similarity to the Nazi slogan: ‘Ein Volk, Ein Reich, Ein Fuehrer’,” the Labor Party journal reported. 200 Letters appeared in the press from the generation of Holocaust survivors expressing fear and concern over what they felt was happening. One, Dr. Shlomo Shmelzman, was forbidden

445

• the IDF lecturers in July that “under the given conditions there is no alternative to the conquest of Beirut by force,” thus joining the hawkish wing of Likud and setting himself in opposition to the Labor Party. When asked about the political and human cost, he responded that “this question is no concern of the lecturers.” He further- more explained “that the Americans would agree after the fact to the conq

448

• e few illusions in the light of its record when in office, particularly in the bloody 1950s and the expansionist post-1967 period. Amiram Cohen gives a detailed accounting of the deliberations of the Labor Party leadership during the critical events of 1982, based on interviews with high level officials, including the leadership itself. 209 Prior to the war, the leadership strongly opposed the military actio

449

• rists in Lebanon.” Israel should observe the cease-fire strictly, he wrote in Davar on May 14, “as long as the terrorist organizations are observing it.” Two months before the war, Begin informed the Labor Party leader- ship of the “large plan”: conquest of southern Lebanon up to the Beirut- Damascus highway and a link-up with the Phalangists. A month later they were presented with the “small plan”: the pret

460

• nce of many liberal supporters of American aggression in Indochina. He further stated that a direct Israeli invasion of Beirut would be “understandable,” thus lining up with Begin’s Likud against the Labor Party, which opposed this final step; and he held that “Israel won’t be able to...pull back without a PLO withdrawal.” 225 As quoted, at least, he did not explain why the refusal of Israel to have any deal

469

• o abandon their “terrorist strategy” and “sterile diplomacy” and to “organize politically”—unaccompanied by any account of just how they were to “organize politically” under the regime imposed by the Labor Party and then Begin, or why their willingness to accept a two-state settlement in accordance with the international consensus is “sterile diplomacy” (indeed it is, given U.S.-Israeli rejectionism, but tha

479

• ready to accept the international consensus on a two-state settlement, the government and most of articulate opinion continue to maintain the traditional rejectionist position, either supporting the Labor Party or Reagan’s September peace plan. As noted earlier, public opposition to the Lebanon invasion was regarded by the Reagan administration as “a problem” that had to be somehow overcome (see section 4.7

488

• 248 Comment seems unnecessary, except, perhaps, to recall once again Meir Pail’s observation on the Stalinist character assumed by the Zionist organizations under the influence of Golda Meir and the Labor Party in the post-1967 period; see chapter 2, section 2.1. While the ADL study itself is merely embarrassing, it is of some interest, perhaps, that this document was taken quite seriously by the media. I s

542

• bstacle,” Le Monde diplomatique , July 1982. 55. Yediot Ahronot , Oct. 17, 1982; Israeli Mirror . 56. Amnon Kapeliouk, New Outlook , August/September 1982. 57. See p. 164; Shimon Peres, “Why Israel’s Labor Party Accepts the Reagan Plan,” Washington Post ( Manchester Guardian Weekly , Sept. 26, 1982). The title of Peres’s article is misleading, though it is true that Labor hopes to convert the rather vague Re

568

• President under Israeli guns; some were concerned that those who had carried out this semi-coup were capable of doing the same in Israel as well-among them, former Chief of Staff Mordechai Gur of the Labor Party; see chapter 5, section 6.3—but their voice was that of a shrinking minority. With the PLO removed from Beirut and the political and cultural center of Palestinian nationalism demolished, the problem

577

• ajority of the population of the West Bank (the allies and collaborators of the PLO), but perhaps that is implicit; or that the same “dream” is shared in essentials, and was being implemented, by the Labor Party, a fact commonly ignored. In the same issue, Harold Saunders, Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs under Carter and previously a member of the National Security Counc

582

• the doctrinal system, to assign a portion of the blame to the boorish Begin with his Oriental Jewish constituency. Crucially, no blame may be attached to the United States or to the western-oriented Labor Party, which is preserving the legacy of the “beautiful Israel.” These tasks were carried out with customary dispatch and elegance. In the subsequent months, the burden of discussion in the U.S. was shifte

583

• i principle that the Palestinians have no national rights, that they “are not a party to the conflict” as Israeli courts have ruled and “have no role to play” in any peace settlement, in the words of Labor Party dove Abba Eban (see chapter 3, section 2.2.2). Then Israel could have proceeded to take over the territories, with constant U.S. support, while the negotiations dragged on meaninglessly, or perhaps i

584

• elves to an interpretation that is at least partially in accord with Labor’s rejectionist stance, and were received with cautious approval by the Labor opposition. As we have seen, the leaders of the Labor Party also made it clear that the program was completely unacceptable to them, but this conclusion was expressed either in the Hebrew press or in circumlocutions which, it was rightly assumed, would be ign

587

• rejectionism. The Times adds that “even if a small, new Palestinian nation were desirable, it could only evolve over time”—there is no Palestinian nation, the Times pronounces, echoing the Likud and Labor Party, mimicking Arab extremists who reject Jewish claims to national rights (a “small, new Jewish nation may not be desirable,” some anti-Semite might declare). The PLO is “irrelevant,” since it does not

588

• it is slightly concealed under a mask of objectivity, David Shipler explained that “no tangible alternative exists to the [Israeli] Government’s determination to hold the West Bank forever.” Various Labor Party spokesmen are quoted as saying that “There’s no one to yield the West Bank to,” “Jordan still hasn’t succeeded in disconnecting herself from the extremist Arab world,” etc. The “moderate noises” in t

589

• offer rejected by Israel with U.S. backing; that Sadat went to war in 1973 after warning repeatedly that the U.S. and Israel gave him no choice with their refusal of a political solution and with the Labor Party settlement program in northeastern Sinai; that the Arab states and the PLO subsequently made repeated offers of political settlement, e.g., the January 1976 two-state proposal prepared by the PLO, fu

590

• he failure of this “bold American initiative” entirely to the PLO, which will be satisfied with nothing short of the surrender of Tel Aviv, and to Hussein’s cowardice. Naturally it cannot mention the Labor Party’s interpretation of the Reagan Plan—to understand that would require half a minute’s thought—but it is interesting that it cannot even bring itself to mention the government of Israel’s rejection of

631

• r its observation as the operation was carried out, is hardly in serious doubt. Not everyone is convinced. Parts of the Israeli press have suggested a rather different version of what took place. The Labor party press, Davar , ran a story in early November under this headline: “The Massacre in the Refugee Camps was Organized by the KGB in order to Persuade the World of Israel’s Guilt.” The story is by the Da

638

• it is worth noting that each of these charges had a clear purpose. The Labor Alignment hoped to discredit the Likud government; the huge post-massacre demonstration was the first one supported by the Labor Party, which maintained its silence, with the exceptions already noted, throughout the earlier carnage. Supporters of Israel who had watched similar or worse atrocities in silence in the past, blaming the

642

• d, not infrequently, its most credulous victims. Enough has already been said to dismiss the claim that the name of Israel has been associated with “conciliation and peace” or that the Zionism of the Labor Party “empathized with the Palestinian quest for a homeland.” One can only hope that some day, honesty will lead to the recognition of the contribution made by such outlandish claims as these to allowing b

643

• , difficult to see how the Irving Howe of the years 1967-82, whose contributions were discussed above, can form part of this “we.” Howe’s implied message is that if only “they” can be removed and the Labor Party returned to power, then “we” can proceed to realize the vision of “Weizmann’s liberal Zionism” (as he construes it), an illusion that flies in the face of the entire history of the political grouping

644

• n the 1961 election he was “an electoral liability” and by then he was “to all intents and purposes...a defeated man,” Lucas observes. He resigned from office in 1963 and was expelled from Mapai (the Labor Party) in 1965. “In the course of the Six Day War [1967],” his biographer Bar-Zohar writes, “Ben-Gurion grasped that his active involvement in Israeli politics was at an end,” and by 1970 he “withdrew from

648

• s the incident that at once comes to mind—as it surely came to Shimon Peres’s mind—when tales about purity of arms, conciliation and peace, righteousness and honor are told to contrast Begin with his Labor Party predecessors. El-Bureig and Qibya launched Sharon’s career. Conceivably, the Beirut massacres may end it. His career includes many ugly episodes in between, for example, the repression in Gaza and th

665

• taken after the massacre; see p. 4 40 *. The support for Sharon immed iately after the massac re that he had engineered is particularly striking. The huge anti-government demonstration called by the Labor Party, estimated by some as reaching 400,000 people, revealed the strength of anti-government feeling on the part of a significant sector of the population, but as historian Jonathan Frankel observed, “the

715

• ommitted to an end to U.S. rejectionism and dismissal of Palestinian rights. In May 1983, Secretary of State Shultz’s “shuttle diplomacy” led to a Lebanese-Israeli agreement that Israel accepted over Labor Party opposition, signed on May 17. 193 As for the Lebanese government (in effect, the government of Beirut, as David Shipler observes; a government that was “unable to negotiate forcefully,” “with most of

760

• return of Labor to power. Poll results indicate that none of the current Labor leaders come close to Begin in popularity. Consequently there has been some hope that former President Yitzhak Navon, a Labor Party veteran who is of Sephardic origin and who ranks considerably higher in the polls, * will * See P. 4 40 *. Some early 1983 polls i ndica ted that if the Labor Alig nme nt were led by Navon, it woul

768

• d, ruthless, cruel. I mean the men who would lead that force will have to be emotionally geared to the possibility that they’d have to kill ten thousand people. * * Lubrani’s background is with the Labor Party. He was a member of the kibbutz- based strike force of the Haganah (Palmach) in the pre-state period, and was later secretary to the dovish Foreign Minister Moshe Sharett (later Prime Minister), advi

774

• hese tendencies have been widely noted within Israel. As a last example, consider a thoughtful analytic article by Yoram Peri—former Adviser to Prime Minister Rabin and European representative of the Labor Party, and a specialist on civil-military relations in Israel—in the Labor Party journal Davar, just after the fighting in Lebanon came to a probably temporary end. 29 Peri describes a “true revolution” th

778

• litary actions that would severely harm U.S. interests. A case in point was the reaction to the Saudi (Fahd) peace plan of August 1981 (see chapter 3, notes 105-7 and text). Daniel Bloch wrote in the Labor Party journal Davar that “all the handstands attempted by our propagandists will fail to dispel [the] impression” that the Fahd plan is “a sign of open- mindedness and moderation” on the part of the Saudis

782

• o be disre- garded, they are not without precedent. In his personal diaries, the dovish Prime Minister Moshe Sharett recorded in October 1955 his fears concerning Defense Minister Pinhas Lavon of the Labor Party. Lavon, he wrote, “has constantly preached in favor of acts of madness and taught the army leadership the diabolic lesson of how to set the Middle East on fire, how to cause friction, cause bloody co

793

• r method of collective punish- ment from the early days of the occupation, apart from the period when Menachem Begin (Likud) was Prime Minister. The practice was resumed on the return to power of the Labor Party, much admired here for its moderation and humanity. It escalated rapidly as Defense Minister Rabin of the Labor Party undertook the task of suppressing the Intifada. Much the same was true of torture

794

• her device employed by Defense Minister Rabin is expulsion of Palestinians whom authorities determine to be living ‘illegally’ in the territories. This program of “invisible transfer” began under the Labor Party shortly after the 1967 conquest as one of the means to deal with the “demographic problem” (the problem of too many Arabs in the Jewish state). The program was accelerated in August 1989, becoming “a

810

• med, and has been so for many years. Israeli philosopher Avishai Margalit compares the “ethos of restraint” of the South Korean police to the doctrine applied by Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin of the Labor Party: that brutal beatings are “necessary...to restore the soldier’s honor in the face of the challenge from Palestinians.” 36 The difference, he argues, lies in cultural differences with regard to the co

828

• hs. These represent the most hopeful development within Israel, and American support for them could make a real difference. * Unlike Peace Now, which remains unwilling to separate itself clearly from Labor Party rejectionism, they are forthright in calling for an end to the occupation, and committed to find ways to protest it. Approach to the prison and the nearby village was blocked by troops, but women and

835

• traditional goal of “transfer,” that is, expulsion of the indigenous population to the “already existing Palestinian state,” if not beyond. From another perspective, Eban is endorsing the traditional Labor Party position that Israel and the Hashemite monarchy of Jordan have a joint interest in suppressing Palestinian nationalism. It was the recognition of this joint interest that led Israel and King Abdullah

836

• emphasis). The basic issue, Eban emphasizes, is not elections, but “the distribution of sovereignty or control” within the occupied territories. 76 The “deep reflection,” then, reduces to traditional Labor Party rejectionism: one or another variety of the Allon Plan. Nowhere is there even a hint of a willingness to accord the right of self-determination to the indigenous population. Eban is a skilled diploma

838

• nians is far more advanced than our own, i.e., their search for a political solution featuring open borders, trust, and cooperation. Whoever followed the segregated ‘vision of peace’ presented by the Labor Party in the recent [1988] election campaign—in which Israel/Palestine was to be divided into ghettos closed off by electronic fences—cannot but be impressed by the courage of the Palestinians in presentin

839

• Uprising Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 842 all parties, including the PLO. Apart from the last condition, there is nothing here that would be unacceptable to Rabin and the Labor Party, and little that would trouble even the hawks. “The painful path of clarification” lies far in the distance. Also interesting is the reason offered for support of Peace Now: “because attempts to rule

861

• ruel,...[and] emotionally geared to the possibility that they’d have to kill ten thousand people.” Such a force could take over Teheran, he said, and restore the Israeli-Iranian alliance. A long-time Labor Party functionary, Lubrani has lost none of the qualities that have endeared the party to left-liberal opinion for many years. 14 Israeli military officials confirmed yet another motive: to adjoin to the “

870

• pulate that “all the options will be left open,” including even “the demand for full annexation of the territories” under “Israeli sovereignty.” In this respect, Clinton goes far beyond the governing Labor Party,

881

• rent plans for the territories from 1968 to 1992, asking how many Palestinians would be within areas annexed by Israel if these plans were enacted today: (1) the 1968 Allon Plan (Labor); (2) the 1976 Labor Party Settlement Plan (never officially adopted though “it has informed practical decision-making and action”); (3) the Ariel Sharon Plan of 1992 (Likud), which created eleven isolated and discontinuous “c

882

• Washington’s “Peace Process” Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky 885 (1) Allon Plan: 385,000, 91,000 in the West Bank and the rest in Gaza (2) Labor Party Settlement Plan: 603,000, 310,000 in the West Bank (3) Sharon Plan: 393,000, 378,000 in the West Bank (4) Defense Establishment Plan: 204,000 in the West Bank, Gaza unspecified. To these figures must

886

• been advanced. The intended eventual outcome of the 1993 agreement falls well within the bounds of traditional U.S.-Israeli rejectionism, adopting essential features of the Sharon Plan as well as the Labor Party’s Allon Plan. That much was spelled out the same day on the facing page of the Times by Israel’s Deputy Foreign Minister Yossi Beilin, a close associate of Foreign Minister Shimon Peres. He informed

895

• reme period of U.S.-Israeli refusal to recognize any Palestinian rights or to have any dealings with the PLO, Rabin called for Israeli control of 40% of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, speaking for the Labor Party and reiterating its basic stand from 1968 (with some variations). In 1995, Rabin recognized the need to sacrifice, and at Oslo II was willing to accept Israeli control of only about twice as much as

896

• aratus have been reported extensively by the Israeli press and human rights monitors, and should come as no surprise. That, after all, was the announced plan. Speaking to the political council of the Labor Party on October 2, 1993, immediately after Oslo I, Prime Minister Rabin explained that the Palestinian security forces would be able to “deal with Gaza without problems caused by appeals to the High Court

897

• ” thanks to the congruence of their programs. Yisrael Harel, the founder of the Yesha Council of West Bank settlers and editor of its extremist newspaper Nekudah, agrees with Sharon and the governing Labor Party: “If they keep to the current plan, I can live with it,” he says. Prime Minister Peres’s right- hand man, Labor dove Yossi Beilin, explains that the Oslo II agreement “was delayed for months in order

913

• sibility. And although Rabin’s “ideas about peace” had indeed “roamed far” from 1992, it was not quite in the direction indicated: in 1992, as in 1988 and before, Rabin was advocating the traditional Labor Party stand that Israel should keep about 40% of the occupied territories, not the far greater proportion he accepted on the Day of Awe. As for what is “undeniable” and “irreversible,” readers can make the

90

• security but because of a commitment to expa nsion. That is clear in Israeli sourc es. General Haim Bar-Lev, a leading figure in the gove rning Labor Party, expre ssed the common unde rstanding when he wrote in a Labor Party journa l that "we can have peace, but I think if we continue to hold out we can obtain more." The "more" that was of primary inter

17

• ": that of the Begin government, and the proposal of "the Palestinian extremists (basically the PLO)," namely, "to create a sovereign Palestinian s tate in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip." Only the Labor Party style of rejectionism departs from "extremism ," a point of view shared by American commentators. 8 We note another pair of Newspeak concepts: "extre mist" and "moderate," the latter referring to tho

34

• xplained shortly after the invasion was launched b y Israel's leading specialist on the Palestinians, Hebrew Univ ersity Professor Yehoshua Porath (a "moderate" in I sraeli parlance, who supports the Labor Party's "Jordanian solution" for the Palestinians). The decision to i nvade, he suggests, "flowed from the very fact that the cease -fire had been observed." This was a "veritable cat astrophe" for the Isr

63

• igence official who was under cover as military attache in Iran during the Shah's reign, described this plan in a BBC broadcast in 1982. Former Israeli de facto Ambassad or to Iran Uri Lubrani of the Labor Party added fur ther details, in the same program: I very strongly believe that Tehran can be taken ov er by a very relatively small force, determined, ru thless, cruel. I mean the men who would lead that

73

• style "of regimes which neither M r. Begin nor I would dare to mention by name," Eban observed, acknowledging the accuracy of the account ).21 Notice that this justification, offered by a r espected Labor Party dove, places these actions squarely und er the rubric of international terrorism (if not ag gression). Thousands were killed and hundreds of thousands d riven from their homes in these attacks. Littl

97

• rialists' Association, Dov Lautman , recommended the NAFTA model that was then under neg otiation - "a transition from colonialism to neo- colonialism," the labor correspondent of the journa l of the Labor Party commented, "a situation simila r to the relations between France and many of its former col onies in Africa." The Israeli coordinator of operat ions in the territories explained that the goal of his

101

• (Palgrav e, 2002) and James Sterba, ed., Terrorism and Internat ional Justice (Oxford, 2002). 11. Yossi Beilin, Mehiro shel Ihud (Revivim, 1985), 42; an important review of cabinet records under t he Labor Party. For more detail on what follows, see my Fate ful Triangle (FT) (South End Press, 1983; updated e dition 1999), chapters 4, 5.1, 3, 5.

108

• t t he same day. 46. New York Times, June 7, 1983. 47. Quandt, American-Arab Affairs, Fall, 1985; Hill el Schenker, Interview with David Shipler, New Outl ook (Tel Aviv), May 1984. 48. The opposition Labor Party backed the war, part ly because poll results indicated that 98 percent o f Likud and 91 percent of Labor supporters regarded it as j ustified. As the war ended with the horrendous bomb ing of Beirut

109

• egard is notewo rthy. Thus to ensure that it would have no unpleasa nt information, the Interna tional League for Human Ri ghts suspended its Israeli affiliate on the sole gr ounds that the governing Labor Party had attempted to destroy it by measures so crude that they were quickly bloc ked by the Israeli Courts; see my Peace in the Middle East? (Pantheon, 1974, 196-7), FT, 142, 178, and references cited. S

160

• Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born (Appendix IX, p . 340) American Friends of the Chinese People (ibid ., p . 371) American Friends of Spanish Democracy (ibid ., pp . 380, 383) American Labor Party (ibid ., p . 1093) American League for Peace and Democracy (ibid ., p . 389) American Student Union (ibid ., p . 523) China Aid Council (ibid ., p . 396) Consumers' National Federation (ibid ., p . 6

83

• set (Israel's Congress) are elected - butj1::S an odd kind of election. This is where Israel's so-called democracy stops. It doesn't make any difference which party wins an election, the Likud or the Labor party, the elite Zionist Jews rule in a dictatorial manner - giving favors to the elite clique and brutally suppressing any dissent. "Concerning Nazism/fascism ease let me clear a point. Germans are an adm

2

• DOPE, INC. Britain's Opium War Against the U.S by a U.S. Labor Party Investigating Team directed by Konstandinos Kalimtgis David Goldman Jeffrey Steinberg

6

• Acknowledgments Dope, Inc. was commissioned in September 1978 by U.S. Labor Party National Chairman Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., and was produced under his direction. At that time the Labor Party launched an international campaign against organized crime and drug traffic. As LaRouche

133

• rcement officials, showed that the purpose of the heroin imports was the financing of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) through the creation of a drug ring in Djakarta. (19) An interview by a U.S. Labor Party investigator with a Malaysian intelligence source made in November 1978 is worth printing in full here for the insight it gives into this particular type of operation: Source: It is definitely a fact

246

• l Ferris, The City (London, 1951). 4. H. R. Reinhart, The Reporter, July 22,1952. 5. Andreyev, The Chinese Bourgeoisie, p. 120. 6. Reinhart, The Reporter. 7. This information is a byproduct of a U.S. Labor Party counterintelli- gence investigation of the operations of the Israeli intelligence agency, Mossad, for which Jarecki appears to be a "bagman." The details were cross-checked with law enforcement offic

259

• orporation, Harris was named a conspirator in a plan to raise artifi- cially the price of the world's uranium 800 percent during the 1970s. 2. This piece of information was an incidental product of a Labor Party countersurveillance operation against a number of individuals associated with the top management of Drexel Burnham Lambert. 3. A. J. Colin, Pro-Consul in Politics (New York: Macmillan, 1964). 9. ALL

343

• 342 DOPE, INC. from an investigation involving federal law enforcement officials after a July 1978 attempted assa ssination of U.S. Labor Party Chairman Lyndon LaRouche in Detroit. The "political cover" under which drugs and terror find their way into the floors of the auto plants is the Communist Labor Party of Michigan. This avowedly Maois

344

• and disruption. But the nearly $1 billion the Jacobs family put up to oust Congressman Sam Steiger, the Bronfmans' multimillion dollar expenditure for political and economic warfare agai nst the U.S. Labor Party, and the $1 million "war chest" that Resorts International assembled to put across legalized casino gambling in New Jersey by legisla- tive fiat, provide sufficient warning that the sums spent on ill

346

• tions. A November 13, 1978, expose of the Philadelphia Foundation in the Philadelphia Daily News brought to public light the incriminating information that had, independently, been gathered by a U.S. Labor Party investigative team.

358

• is includes most especially Horace S. Webb. 6. Jeremy Jacobs admitted to the activities directed against Steiger under questioning during 1972 hearings of the House Select Committee on Crime. 7. U.S. Labor Party Legal Division, "E vidence to Overturn the Fraud- ulent Election of James Earl Carter," Campaigner Special Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, N ovember 26, 1976); U.S. Labor Party Legal Divis

359

• 358 DOPE, INC. York: Campaigner Publications, De cember 9, 1976). The Committee for Fair Elections, a nonpartisan citizen s group representing participation from the U.S. Labor Party, the Democratic, Republican, and American Independent parties, initiated official investigations and selective court actions in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, New York, and Ohio as the result of accumulate

379

• Red Army, the Puerto Rican terrorist Armed For ces of National Liberation (FALN), and the Black Liberation Army. See also Carter and the Party of Inter- national Terrorism, Special Report by the U.S. Labor Party, August, 1976. 23. Mary Jo Warth, "The Story of Acid Profiteers," Village Voice, August 22,1974. 24. Ibid. 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid. 27. Hutchinson, Vesco.

391

• 394 DOPE, INC. orators of the U.S. Labor Party team conducted a public meeting in Paris to present the results of the investigation. The meeting was attacked by 20 ho oded and armed members of the fascist organization, Betar. French police were o

213

• th the Lebanese community and Iran to ensure the flow of cheap oil, Momoh approached Israel for help in stabilizing the country's economy. In Israel, Kalmanovitch 38 used his close ties with Israel's Labor party leadership to launch an intense lobbying effort to obtain contracts to assist Sierra Leone. He had come to Israel in 1971 after a lengthy "struggle" to emigrate. Armed with unlimited Soviet funds, Ka

155

• rganized mass demonstrations against him, erupting into wide- spread strikes and rioting. A change of government in England offered hopes for freedom in 1964, but the New York Times reported that the Labor Party, “bowing to United States wishes,” had “ruled out early independence for British Guiana.” Liberation came two years later, and the country resumed its traditional name. President Forbes Burnham ruled

222

• through Russia and Europe, publishing radical tracts and newspapers. In 1903 he led the dissident Bolshevik (minority) faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, and three years later Lenin was elected to the party’s presidium. Threats against his life from right-wing monarchists prompted a move to Finland in 1907, and Lenin spent the next decade roaming thr

288

• eported aboard the SS Buford (dubbed the “Soviet Ark”) on December 21, 1919. By that time Palmer and Hoover had planned the next round of arrests, targeting the Communist Party (CP) and the Communist Labor Party. On December 16, 1919, Hoover prepared 3,000 blank arrest war- rants and then ordered his spies in the radical move- ment to arrange party meetings nationwide on January 2, 1920, to “facilitate the m

306

• uring that conflict. Retiring from the army, Rabin was appointed to serve as Israel’s ambassador to the United States (1968–73); then he returned to seek elective office as a candidate of the Israeli Labor Party. From a seat in the Knesset (legislature), he advanced to serve as minister of labor under Golda Meir, and then won election as prime minister on June 2, 1974. Elective defeat in May 1977 sent him ba

342

• to join a new Weather Underground faction, while others gravitated toward the Progressive Labor Party. The SDS clung tenuously to life for a few more months, but it had essentially ceased to exist by the time aides to President RICHARD NIXON named it a priority target of the abortive HUSTON PLAN in J

198

• FINAL WARNING: The Council on Foreign Relations New Statesman , and later became a leader in the Labor Party, writing Labor and the Social Order in 1918. He held several political offices, and was a disciple of John Stuart Mill, who served as the Secretary of the British East India Company. On November 7, 1

204

• t, and in 1941, became its President. The Fabians had broken away from the Liberal Party in the 1890’s and contributed to the founding of the Labor Representation Committee, which in 1906, became the Labor Party. Shaw called for “wire-pulling” the government in order to get Socialist measures passed. In 1918, the Labor Party adopted a program which implemented the ideas of Fabianism. In 1931, the New Fabian

205

• inister, Jawaharial Nehru, and leader of the Independence movement who founded the Swaraj, or ‘self-rule’ Party), and Ramsey MacDonald (Prime Minister of England in 1924, 1929-35). Nearly half of all Labor Party representatives of the Parliament in the House of Commons were members, along with most Party leaders. Today, from their headquarters at 11 Dartmouth Street, in London, they spread their ideas among

301

• e Marxist goal of “the abolition of class rule and of classes themselves.” Some of the early Socialist Parties were: Danish Social Democratic Party (1870’s), Swedish Socialist Party (1889), Norwegian Labor Party (1887), Austrian Social Democratic Party (1888), Belgian Labor Party (1885), Dutch Socialist-Democratic Workers Party (1894), Spanish Social Labor Party (1879), Italian Socialist Party (1892), and th

373

• r official seal, which was similar to Russia’s, was designed by Aldo Marzani, a socialist. Trygve Lie, the first official UN Secretary-General, was a high-ranking member of Norway’s Social Democratic Labor Party, which was an offshoot of the Third Communist International. Dag Hammarskjold, the second Secretary-General, was a Swedish socialist who openly pushed communist policies, and U Thant, the third Secre

432

• FINAL WARNING: Ready to Spring the Trap creators of the system they will rule the future.” On the left, the U.S. Labor Party alleges that the Commission was created by multinational companies in order to dominate American foreign policy. Upon analysis, their economic plans leaned toward the controlling of energy sources, f

514

• out at the conspiracy theorists, saying their allegations were a "blood libel against the state and its institutions." 1056 Essentially, the conflict boiled down to a debate over which faction — the Labor Party and its allies or the Likud Party and its allies — is mo re truly committed to the survival of the state of Israel. This debate has been long - standing but Rabin's assassination exacerbated matters

628

• for the CIA were "right wingers" and "anti - communists." However, the fact is that the government of Israeli Prime Minister David Ben - Gurion was a left wing, socialist regime under the rule of the Labor Party. So you found the right - wingers in the CIA working with the left - wingers in Israel.

736

• Helms were especially close to — once again — the hard - line "right wing" Likud bloc in Israel and both are adamantly opposed to President Clinton's perceived support for Likud's rivals in Israel's Labor Party which was far more amenable to the peace process. Clinton was not a backer of Likud's Binjamin Netanyahu in the Israeli elections that brought the Likud extremist coalition to power and was thus emba

250

• f J. P. Morgan partner Willard Straight, who founded the socialist magazine New Republic . In 1912, Webb established an independent journal called The New Statesman , and later became a leader in the Labor Party, wri ting Labor and the Social Order in 1918. He held several political offices, and wa s a disciple of John Stuart Mill, who served as the Secretary of the British East Ind ia Company. Willard S t

257

• ginson Clarence Darrow John Dewey The Fabians had broken away from the Liberal Party in the 1890’s and contributed to the founding of the Labor Representation Committ ee, which in 1906, became the Labor Party. Shaw called for “wire)pulling” the gov ernment in order to get Socialist measures passed. In 1918, the Labor Party adopted a program which implemented the ideas of Fabianism. In 1931, the New Fabian

258

• inister, Jawaharial Nehru, and leader of the Independence movement who founded the Swaraj, or ‘self)rule’ Party), and Ramsey MacDonald (Prime Minister of England in 1924, 1929)35). Nearly half of all Labor Party representatives of the Parliament in th e House of Commons were members, along with most Party leaders.

409

• s.” Some of the early Socialist Parties were: Danish So cial Democratic Party (1870’s), Swedish Socialist Party (1889), Norwegian Labor Par ty (1887), Austrian Social Democratic Party (1888), Belgian Labor Party (1885) , Dutch Socialist)Democratic

410

• Workers Party (1894), Spanish Social Labor Party (1 879), Italian Socialist Party (1892), and the Social Democratic Federation of Great Brita in (1880’s). In 1889, the Second International was formed, with their headquarters in Brussels, Belgium. T

490

• to Russia’s, was d esigned by Aldo Marzani, a socialist. Earl Browder Vladimir Leni n Trygve Lie, the first official UN Secretary)General , was a high)ranking member of Norway’s Social Democratic Labor Party, which was a n offshoot of the Third Communist International. Dag Hammarskjold, the second Secreta ry)General, was a Swedish socialist who openly pushed communist policies, and U Thant, the third Sec

564

• Barry Goldwater On the left, the U.S. Labor Party alleges that the Commission was created by multinational companies in order to dominate Americ an foreign policy. Upon analysis, their economic plans leaned toward the controlling of energy sources,

136

• of J. P. Morgan partner Willard Straight, who founded the socialist magazine New Republic. In 1912, Webb established an independent journal called The New Statesman, and later became a leader in the Labor Party, writing Labor and the Social Order in 1918. He held several political offices. He was a disciple of John Stuart Mill, who served as the Secretary of the British East India Company. On November 7, 18

141

• resident, and in 1941, its President. The Fabians had broken away from the Liberal Party in the 1890's and contributed to the founding of the Labor Representation Committee, which in 1906, became the Labor Party. Shaw called for "wire-pulling" the government in order to get Socialist measures passed. In 1918, the Labor Party adopted a program which implemented the ideas of Fabianism. In 1931, the New Fabian

204

• he Marxist goal of "the abolition of class rule and of classes themselves." Some of the early Socialist Parties were: Danish Social Democratic Party (1870's), Swedish Socialist Party(1889), Norwegian Labor Party(1887), Austrian Social Democratic Party(1888), Belgian Labor Party(1885), Dutch Socialist-Democratic Workers Party(l894), Spanish Social Labor Party(1879), Italian Socialist Party (1892), and the Soc

260

• FINAL WARNING: Chapter Seven Trygve Lie, the first official UN Secretary-General, was a high-ranking member of Norway's Social Democratic Labor Party, which was an offshoot of the Third Communist International. Dag Hammarskjold, the second Secretary-General, was a Swedish socialist who openly pushed communist policies, and U Thant, the third Secre

297

• ilateral Commission represents a skillful, coordinated effort to seize control and consolidate the four centers of power: political, monetary, intellectual, and ecclesiastical." On the left, the U.S. Labor Party alleges that the Commission was created by multinational companies in order to dominate American foreign policy. Upon analysis, their economic plans leaned toward the controlling of energy sources, f

391

• parts were creators (not creati ons) of a political party. The British elected labor delegates to parliament first as a bloc within the Liberal party in 1886 and 1892, and then formed the Independent Labor party in 1893. The success of the British unions in enacting progressive legisla­ tion encouraged others to consider the advantages of a unionism that was wage conscious rather than class conscious, intere

450

• numbers in theoretical debates and in political squabbles within the fragmented socialist parties : Eugene Debs's reformist Socialist Party of America and Daniel De Leon's smaller, Marxist Socialist Labor party. Lenin once called the Cura<;:ao-born, European-educated De Leon "the greatest of modern socialists-the only one who has added anything to socialist thought since Marx." 12 " But De Leon was as polit

464

• nko was part of the five-man inner directorate of the Union of Struggle in St. Petersburg in 1895-96; the sole delegate from St. Petersburg to the founding congress of the Russian Social Demo­ cratic Labor party at Minsk in 1898; a principal contact with Lenin when he returned from Siberia in February 1900; and the main repre­ sentative in St . Petersburg of Iskra later in the year. The crucial, simple fact

465

• d close links with Kiev, which created the largest Union of Struggle outside St. Petersburg and provided half of the six organizations that met with Radchenko to form the Russia n Social Dem­ ocratic Labor party in 18g8. Radchenko appears to have depended on his brothers, his Ukrainian schoolmates, and his Ukrainian assistant, A. Malchenko, for the anonymous and variegated forms of assista nce he perpetually

467

• trikers in 18g6-97 had turned away from militant Social Democratic object ives towards the pursuit of purely economic goals. Almost immediately after the founding of the new Russian Social Democratic Labor party, both its designated official party organizat ion in the emigration (The Union of Russian Social Democrats Abroad) and its official journal within the Russian Empire ( Rabochee Delo, "the workers' ca

472

• fuseness and the blunting of strongly de­ fined boundaries, a party strengthens itself by purging itself . . .. 9 " Lenin waged his struggle at the Second Congress of the Russian So­ c ial Democratic Labor party held in Brussels and London from July 17 through August 10, 1903. He emerged at the end with both the name and the nucleus for his "party of a new type," Bolshevism. His faction took its name, "the m

646

• iled treatment of this neglected conference (which does not, however, clarify this quest ion), see articles by I. Moshinsky and E. Gurvich in Katorga i Ssylka, rg28, no. 40. Russian Social Democratic Labor party remained the official name until after the Bolshevik Revolution. The initial proletarian orientation of the Russian party (if not the introduction of the word "labo r") almost certa inly owes somethi

671

• alism, 324-25, 340-46, 367; Afro-Asian resistance to, 505-9; Lenin on, 466; Luxem­ burg on, 499; Marx on, 353; violence and, 420 Imperialism, The Highest State of Capitalism (Lenin ), 353 Independent Labor party, 382 Independents, 136 India, Malabar Christians of, 222 Individualism, use of term, 245 Industrial Revolution, 5, 129, 369; communi­ cations and, 309; in England, 203, 369, 422; Fazy on, 199; genera

672

• n­ verted by, 120; influence on Tiluminism of, 117, 118; revolutionary fascination with, 9:75 Jesuits Driven from Free Masonry, The (Bonne- ville), 97 Jewess, The (Meyerbeer ), 156 Jewish Independent Labor party, 474 Jewish Social Democratic Bund, 449, 463, 474 Jews : blacks and, 222; immigrant, in United States, 435, 436; nationalism of, 286, 325, 334; Okhrana and, 473-74; in Poland, 162, 502-3; populism of

682

• ence cen­ ter of, 6o; women in, 41-42, 484 Social Club, 39 Social contract, 64; roots of egalitarian com­ munalism in, 71; Rousseauian ideal of, 39 Social Democratic Federation, 382 Social Democratic Labor party, Russian, 456- 58, 463 Social Democratic party of Poland and Lithu­ ania, 446, 479 Social Democratic Society, 445 Social Democrats , 289, 293, 296, 337, 350, 367-85, 424, 431; a n a rc hi s t opposit

72

• sdom of this strategy. Trygve Lie : Politically, Trygve Lie, the first United Nations secretary-general, was a dedicated socialist, a labor lawyer, and a high ranking membe r of the Social Democratic Labor party in Norway- an offshoot of the early Communist International. 8 According to Leon Trotsky, one of the founders of the worldwide Communist apparatus: "The Norwegian W orkers' party had the reputation o

93

• and Helms were especially close to—once again—the hard-line "right wing" Likud bloc in Israel and both were adamantly oppos ed to President Clinton's perceived support for Likud's rivals in Israel's Labor Party which had been far more amenable to the peace process. Having more or less openly supported Netanyahu's rival, Shimon Peres, in the recent Israeli electi ons, Clinton was embarrassed politically when

153

• provided a political and moral rationale for the establishment of the Jewish state. WHO WAS HITLER? In 1919, Hitler was an Intelligence Officer with the German Army assigned to spy on the tiny German Labor Party. He became its leader. Max Warburg, brother 146 Illuminati: The Cult that Hijacked the World

203

• y. Other bankers and industrialists include Eugen Spier, Maurice Baring, Leonard Montefiore, Edward Guggenheim, Sir Robert Mond and Sir Phillip Sassoon. All but Baring are of Jewish origin. Prominent Labor Party and trade union leaders included Ernest Bevin, Harold Laski, Herbert Stanley Morrison and Sir Walter Citrine. Members of ancient aristocratic families include Richard Combe Abdy Baron Strabogli, and

576

• provided a political and moral rationale for the establishment of the Jewish state. WHO WAS HITLER? In 1919, Hitler was an Intelligence Officer with the German Army assigned to spy on the tiny German Labor Party. He became its lead er. Max Warburg, brother of Paul Warburg, founder of the US Federal Reserve, was the chief of German Intelligence. Both were executives of the I.G. Farben conglomerate. There is n

678

• field on the outskirts of Berlin."—Stephen Lemons, Salon.com, "Hitler's clairvoyant", Feb. 27, 2002 In 1919, Hitler was an Intelligence Officer with the German Army assigned to spy on the tiny German Labor Party. He became its leader. Max Warburg, brother of Paul Warburg, fo under of the US Federal Reserve, was the chief of German Intelligence. Both were executives of the I.G. Farben conglomerate. There is n

56

• Ralph Schoenman: The Hidden History of Zionism - Chapter 12: Strategy for Conquest Begin’s Minister of Defense, Moshe Arens, and also by the Labor Party. Y’ben Poret, a ranking official in the Israeli Ministry of Defense, was irritated in 1982 by pious criticisms of the expansion of settlements in the West Bank and Gaza: "It is," he declared, "time t

189

• id. 46. David Ben Gurion, Memoirs , Volume III, p.467. 47. Ben Gurion, from a 1937 speech cited in his Memoirs . 48. David Ben Gurion, Report to the World Council of Poale Zion (the forerunner of the Labor Party), Tel Aviv, 1938. Cited by Israel Shahak, Journal of Palestine Studies , Spring 1981. 49. Ben Gurion in a 1938 speech. 50. Michael Bar Zohar, Ben Gurion: A Biography (New York: http://www.wbaifree.or

19

• Considering all that we now know about Perle, it may be no coincidence that as far back as 1986 it was reported that once, while on a visit to Britain, Perle was introduced during a debate with then-Labor Party leader Denis Healey as "the person in charge of World War III."9 Some Perle critics later suggested that the gentleman who made the remarks may have been empowered with psychic abilities, considering

149

• ll called LaRouche a "small ti me Hitler" on NBC's "First Camera," March 1984. For evidence of LaRouche's antiSemitism see judge's decision dismissing Larouche's libel action against the ADL, in U.S. Labor Party et al. v. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, No. 79-11470 (N.Y. App. Div., 1980): Plaintiffs [LaRouche group] have linked prominent Jews and Jewish organizations both in this country and abroad

149

• ll called LaRouche a "small ti me Hitler" on NBC's "First Camera," March 1984. For evidence of LaRouche's antiSemitism see judge's decision dismissing Larouche's libel action against the ADL, in U.S. Labor Party et al. v. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, No. 79-11470 (N.Y. App. Div., 1980): Plaintiffs [LaRouche group] have linked prominent Jews and Jewish organizations both in this country and abroad

196

• it. The Insta-pol rating was an astounding 94 percent. Second, he proposed a ban on all Asian products sold in America and the European Common Market. This proposal later unified the radical American labor party behind him. They could finally see a leader who had their interests at heart. The American labor party had

• sold in America and the European Common Market. This proposal later unified the radical American labor party behind him. They could finally see a leader who had their interests at heart. The American labor party had

22

• ently held defense portfolios in the British and French cabinets respectively. Just as in Am erica the non-Christian charact eristically joins the Democratic Party, so in Britain he joins the leftist Labor Party. Thus the British House of Comm ons, sitting in the summer of 1951, had 21 Jews among its Labor members and none among its Conservative members. Whatever his racial antecedents, Mr. Clement Attlee, l

50

• before the Grand Jury.16 Trygve Lie. The first elected secretary- general of the United Nations , Trygve Lie, was a Norwegian socialist. Lie was a high-ranking me mber of the Social Democratic Labor Party in Norway, an offshoot of the early Communist Internati onal, and a strong supporter of the Soviet Union on virtually every issue. It was hardly surprising th en that the Soviet Union led the campaig

50

• before the Grand Jury.16 Trygve Lie. The first elected secretary- general of the United Nations , Trygve Lie, was a Norwegian socialist. Lie was a high-ranking me mber of the Social Democratic Labor Party in Norway, an offshoot of the early Communist Internati onal, and a strong supporter of the Soviet Union on virtually every issue. It was hardly surprising th en that the Soviet Union led the campaig

97

• years it has become "a more lackadaisical, hedo- nistic, comfortable, even, said some, decadent group." Controversy concerning The Order surfaced during the 1980 presiden- tial election. Former U.S. Labor Party National Chairman Lyndon H. LaRouche began an independent bid for the presidency. In the New Hampshire primary elections, LaRouche attacked Republican candidate George Bush for his affiliation with T

231

• and founder of the city’s International Trade Mart, with con - spiracy to assassinate the president. According to several separate so urces—including Garrison’s files and an investigation by the U.S. Labor Party—the International Trade Mart in New Orleans was a subsidiary of a shadowy entity known as the Centro Mondiale Commerciale (CMC) or World Trade Center, which was founded by Bloomfi eld in Montreal in

124

• embers of Parliament opposed him and a merger with the European Union. Elections would be held by April 1997 despite the fact that the Conservative Party was 30 points behind Labor in the polls. Many Labor Party leaders also oppo sed closer ties with the European Union. This, too, was bad news for Bild erberg, which wanted world gov-

165

• rency, he said. Clarke said he would like to see the pound grow weaker to facilitate Britain's entry into the common currency. Clarke is a Conservative opposition member of Pa rliament who joined the Labor Party's Tony Blair, prime minister and fellow Bilderberg member, in calling for the further surrender of British sovereignty to the European Union. The next step is toward a second great regional currency

187

• heduled in 2005. In a panic, Bilderberg orde red Europhiles in Britain's Conservative Party to bring particip ation in the common currency to the top of the list of priorities as soon as the expected Labor Party victory in the June 7 elections is official . At the time, it was already being privately discussed with Labor Party leaders. The orders were transmitted by Kenneth Clarke, the Conservative member of

188

• e are no half-measures, no third ways and no second chances," Thatcher said at that year's rally. The Conservative Party and its candi date for prime minister, William Hague, had made a deal with the Labor Party to keep the issue of joining the common currency out of the campai gn debate. However, at the time, the Conservatives would publicly rule out the euro only for the duration of the next Parliament. Th

189

• 174 Bilderberg Diary ty, in favor of the euro. Conservative candidate Hague ha d been hammering the Labor Party over its support of EU plans to "h armonize" taxes among the EU states. The Tory leader said the EU planne d to "harmonize" taxes such as VAT, (value-added tax) and broaden it to include books, trans

192

• y ag ainst embracing the euro and surrendering British sovereignty to the EU. Bilderberg men, including Clarke, hope and expect the Conservatives to lose in a landslide to Prime Minister Tony Blair's Labor Party in the June 7 elections. Blair is himself a Bilderberger who fervently yearns for the euro, a single European state and world government. Politically, Britain has been forced to do what mo st of the

228

• 2005 pleased Europeans, who grudgingly supported Blair because of his commitment to the European Constitution (EC). Britons were to vote in 2006 on ratifying the EC. But they were happy that Blair's Labor Party's majority in Parliament shrank from 160 to 60 and there was speculation that he would be replaced as prime minister within two years. To address the Mideast issue in 20 05, Bilderberg brought togeth

73

• to prove their good faith by backing his reform s them selves . They failed to do so, thus revealing where the ba sis of their c riticism lay. 12 The party form ed by the Communi sts, the Guatem alan Labor Party, held four seats in Congress, the s mallest com pone nt of Arbenz' s ruling coalition which commanded a total of 51 seats in the 1953-54 legislature. 13 Communists held several im portant sub-cabin e

88

• l Hand left, to go fight "Communism" in Africa. He pictur ed himself as restless, wanting to leave his desk and neckties behind for new challenges in exotic places. To friends, he complained that the Labor Party government of then Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam was stifling for business and freedom in general. It was part of a worldwide leftist tide that Mike Hand sincerely believed had to be stoppe

122

• maneuver. It would not be going too far to call it a constitu tional coup d'etat, and it followed by three days a similarly unusual action by the CIA to halt some things Whitlam was doing. Whitlam's Labor Party had long doubted the wisdom and morality of America's interventionist foreign policy, not only in Vietnam—the focal point of world attention at the moment—but also in Indonesia (an Au stralian neighb

123

• le communists and the Speaker of the House a communist sympathizer." With some reason, the National Times calls this claim "wild." Over the years, CIA and ASIO men have forged links that bypassed the Labor Party, even when it was in power. In 1969, when the CIA's guru emeritus Allen Dulles was in the hospital, the director general of ASIO, C. Charles Spry, wrote him a gushing letter. After reporting his seve

126

• ited States. In his book, journalist Lindsey even conjec tured that informat ion about all this, sold by Boyce and Lee to the Soviet Union in Mexico City, may have been relayed by the Russians to the Labor Party in Australia, and that this information may have touched off the dispute about the CIA that immedi ately preceded the constitutional coup in Canberra in 1975. From the Labor Party's electoral victory

134

• f government bankruptcy, which he claims will result from the opposition's blocking of government appropriations. "Disenchanted Australians are swinging, at least temporarily, in support of Whitlam's Labor Party. They agree with the Prime Minister and blame the Liberal- Country coalition for the mess. .. . Several Li beral senators ... are threatening to break ranks... [and] are talking of replacing oppositi

136

• rt. It noted that Country Party leader Anthony was the one who first identified Stallings in public as a CIA man, but confirmed the information from official records. It disclosed no other names. One Labor Party official who will speak up is Mike Costello, who held the job of "principal private secretary," a sort of chief aide and official spoke sman, to Bill Hayden, the Labor Party opposition leader during

173

• rties and financial contributions were modestly successful toward that end. While they made connections with the more right-wing parties, their biggest inroads were with the right-wing faction of the Labor Party. As in the United States during the Viet nam era, the biggest ideological gap was probably not between the two pa rties, but within the more liberal party. The Lyndon Johnson wing of the Democratic

190

• in the intelligence business—though it's hard to believe anyone who was secretary to the Joint Chiefs and head of planning for the Pacific Command was a total stranger to it. Told that the Australian Labor Party suspected U.S. ag encies of having overthrown the Gough *Black died in 1985. He was interviewed by the author in Honolulu in June 1982.

240

• tion of the Commission principally because he travelled through Wings Travel Pty. Ltd.," whose services were relied on by the dope syndicat e Riley was part of. Wings was owned by William Sinclair, a Labor Party politician working for a city council that deposited its money with Nugan Hand, and who was jailed in Bangkok for heroin possession. According to the Joint Task Force, Wings was "a significant vehicl

356

• ce." Nothing more is known about the Nugan tapes, where they are, or what was on them—except to any government agents who took them. So worried had many Australians become by 1982 that the opposition Labor Party leader in Parliament, Bill Hayden, rose to demand that a royal commission be appointed. He said he wanted the commission to look into "all activ ities of the Nugan Hand Bank, and persons or organizat

357

• gencies in or through Australia." Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser replied that he believed the current investigation was "wide enough." When Vice-president George Bush visite d Australia in April 1982, Labor Party leader Hayden used his thirty-minute meeting with Bush mostly to press for the release of details in the Nugan Hand and Gough Wh itlam affairs. Bush would only give his personal assurances that the C

387

• were the findings? Do records of any cable traffic or other records from any U.S. intelligence organization provide evidence to support charge s, made by Boyce, by several officials of the Australian Labor Party, and by others , that the U.S. involved itself in Australian domestic political or labor activities, or provided covert impetus for the removal of Prime Minister Gough Whitlam from office in 1975? 14

166

• Jews and the Left 92 Trotsky and other Jews in the Russian Socialist Democratic Labor Party considered themselves as representing the Jewish proletariat within the wider socialist movement (see note 4), but they were opposed to the separatist, nationalist program of the Russian Jewish Bund.

511

• ls, and 82 percent advocated establishing a Russian language periodical on Jewish subjects. 74. It should also be noted that in 190 3 Trotsky declared at a conference of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (the major unifying organization for socialism in Russia at the time, including the Bolsheviks), that he and other Jewish representatives “regard ourselves as representatives of the Jewish proletaria

42

• ewish co mmunity has not been even-handed in its support of Israeli political factions, but has suppor ted the more fanatical el ements within Israel. While wealthy Israelis predominantly support the Labor Party, financ ial support for Likud and other right-wing parties comes from foreign sources, partic ularly wealthy U.S. Jews. 84 The support of these benefactors is endangered by any softening of Likud pos

43

• te until 1948, including the bombing of th e King David Hotel and the ma ssacre at Deir Yasin that was a major factor in terrorizing much of the Palestinian population into fleeing. 91 Over time, the Labor Party has dwindled in influence, and there has followed the rise and ascendancy of the Likud Party and ultra-nationali sm represented by Begin, who came to power in 1977 and began the process of resurrecti

44

• li political spectrum has had a long-term policy of expanding the state at the expense of the Pale stinians, dating from the beginnings of the state of Israel. Expansionism was well entrenched in the Labor Party, centered around David Ben- Gurion, and has been even more cen tral to the Likud co alition under the leader ship of Menachem Begin and, more recently, Benjamin Netanyahu and Ariel Sharon. The result

204

• t to spread his propa- ganda to the newspape rs of South America. The Nazi Party was effectively represented in all Latin Amer- ican nations. Mexico, as one example, had its German National Socialist Labor Party, which controlled the public as well as the private lives of all German s living in Mexico. The party was illegal but active; it had divided the country into seven districts, each with its own lo cal

150

• es in the Senate ignored the House tax bill until a few days before the legislative session closed, resulting in a special session. The Twin City press ran article after article denouncing the Farmer-Labor Party while citing such business leaders as Charles Fowler of Northern States Power, Mr. Montague representing the Steel Trust, Aleck Janes of Great Northern Railroad, and Aaron

151

• The Nazi Hydra In Fascist America — 151 — Youngquist of Minnesota Power and Light. With the press at the beck and call of business leaders clamoring that the Farmer-Labor Party was driving business out of the state, Benson's tax proposals failed to pass the Senate, but the stage was set for a bitter election campaign the following year. In 1938, the Republican Party, with H

230

• h-hunt for reds. Remember that it was a Republican committee from Minnesota led by some of the leading industrialist of that state that asked Dies to investigate the communist influence in the Farmer-Labor Party. Both the FBI and the Dies committee were guilty of pursuing reds over fascists. Both did investigate a few fascists but the emphasis was the investigation of communist. Ironically, the communists po

297

• ntonio had started politics as a Republican with very liberal views and was elected to Congress in 1935 from East Harlem's 20th District. In 1938, Marcantonio defended his seat running as an American Labor Party candidate. Marcantonio viewed the Communist Party as an American party. He was also a strong supporter of civil rights and a vigorous opponent of Joseph McCarthy. In 1944, his district was gerrymande

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• the founding fathers of the German Social Democracy. 17. For Wilhem Liebknecht, see Volume I. 18 . Keir Hardie (1 856 -1 915 ), Scottish ex-miner and left-wing Laborite, founder of the Independ­ ent Labor Party in 18 93. MA LATESTA, THE ANAR CHIS T IN TERN AT ION AL AND WAR 1. Rudolf Rocker (1 873 -1 958) , German anarchist historian and philosopher who died in the United States. Author, notably of The Bank

6

• gan and Subsequent History 1 1 HOW FABIAN SOCIALISM BEGAN AND SUBSEQUENT HISTORY "Like all Socialists, I believe that the Socialist Society evolves in time into a Communist Society." — John Strachey, Labor Party Ca binet Minister. "In American newspaper jargon, John Strachey would be described as 'Marxist No. 1' and the title would be deserved." " Left News," March 1938. Fabian Socialism began with the Fabia

20

• t of office in general elections in 1950. The Fabian Society's legacy? An empty treasury, gol d reserves gone, pro- duction down to an all time low, it sought to dista nce itself from the discredited Labor Party on the grounds that "the Fabian Society is not a political party." Speaking in the House of Commons, a notable Sociali st, Albert Edwards said: "I have spent years discoursing on the defects of t he

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• al insurance (Social Security.) Perkins had sought and obtained a great deal of input from Sydney and Beatrice Webb, who pointed out to Perkins and R oosevelt, that the Fabian Society had drafted the Labor Party's 1918 election plank and had a lot of influ- ence in writing the Beveridge Plan which became the basis of Britain's Social Welfare. Thus, "The New Deal" by Graham Wallas, the Beveridg e Plan, and Sy

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• 98 One World Order: Socialist Dictatorship Webb's proposals written for the Labor Party in 191 8, and the economic "tax and spend" principles of the Fabian Society's John Mayn ard Keynes, were with adap- tations and minor adjustments the basis of Roosevel t's "New Deal." The role played

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• spiration, slogans and programs, the Democrat Party in effect became the S ocialist/Marxist/Communist Party of the United States. Johnson's "War on Pover ty" for instance, was origi- nally written by Labor Party Prime Minister Harold Wilson. In his address to the international Socialists, Harold Wilson made it cle ar that the intention of Socialist in Britain and the United States was to divert fund s for de

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• defenses. The much heralded "Marshall Plan" which is supposed to have saved Europe from ruination was in fact a "free trade" scam. The British people, tired of war crim- inal Winston Churchill, voted Labor Party leader Cl ement Attlee, Churchill's deputy Prime Minister and a Fabian Socialist elitis t to succeed him. It was Attlee who succeeded Ramsey McDonald, sent "to spy out the land" for Socialism in the

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• er people's money (OPM) to fund their Socialist excesses. We know abo ut the $7 billion dollar loan engineered by John Maynard Keynes to bail out the f ailed Socializing of the British people via the Labor Party. We also know ab out the Socialist scheme to fund other foreign countries via the so-called fore ign aid appropriations bill, an event that costs the American people close to $20 b illion annually, w

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• jor parties (left-leaning Labor and right- leaning Likud) had agreed to a unity government in which their lead- ers would share power in rotation. It was decided that Shimon Peres, then leader of the Labor Party, would be the prime minister for the first two-year term, and that Yitzhak Shamir, leader of the right-wing Likud Party, would be the foreign minister. Then after two years, Shamir would become prime

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• mut, 225, 226, 228 and Barschel, 229, 231 Komemiute (clandestine opera- tions), 241, 24111 Korea, 30 Kryuchkov, Vladimir, 255 Kurds, 247,252 Kuwait, 117-18 La Belle discotheque, West Berlin, 116,116n Labor Party, 207 government, and Victor's safety, 288 LAKAM (Lishka Le Kishry Mada), 26-27 and Pollard, 191-92 Langer, Felitsia, 71, 71n LAP (Mossad psychological war- fare), 113, 11311,246 Gerald Bull murder, 2

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• rabs and the expropriation of their lands." Ariel Sharon, former Likud Party Prime Minister Agence France Press, November 15, 1998 "We must expel Arabs and take their place." David Ben Gurian, former Labor Party Prime Minister, 1937 "There's no such thing as a Palestinian people. It is not as if we came and threw them out and took their country. They didn't exist." Golda Meir, former Labor Party Prime Minist

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• est of eight cabinet ministers and twenty other members of Parliament. In justification for the arrest of the democratically elected Hamas cabinet ministers and deputies, Israeli Defense Minister and Labor Party leader, Amir Peretz, ranted, 'The masquerade ball is over... the suits and ties will not serve as cover to the involvement and support of kidnappings and terror". 5 Peretz— the political executioner

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• US) the United States into a major war." However, Haaretz added... "Israel must go about making its preparations quietly and securely— not at election rallies." 7 Haaretz's position, like that of the Labor Party, was that Israel should not advocate war against Iran before multi-lateral negotiations were over and the International Atomic Energy Agency made a decision. In other words, the Israeli "debate" amon

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• ccording to Haaretz, 21 Halutz stated that it would take Iran time to be able to produce a nuclear bomb—which he estimated might happen between 2008 and 2015. Prior to the Israeli elections, Israel's Labor Party officials did not believe that Iran represented an immediate nuclear threat and felt that the Sharon government and the Likud war propaganda was an electoral ploy. According to Haaretz, "Labor Party

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• e "pincers movement" written about by Jan Kozak. The third part, the "mob," was organized in 1895, w hen Vladimir Ilyich Lenin and nine others, including Leon Trotsky, form ed the Social Demo- cratic Labor Party, the forerunner of the Communist Party. Perhaps the incident that provoked Lenin's hatred o f the Russian monarchy and the Czar occurred in 1881, when his ol der brother was executed for having taken

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• the American Embassy in Berlin. In November 1922 Smith was sent by the embassy to Munich to check on an obscure political agitator by the name of Adolf Hitler and his newly founded National Socialist Labor Party. For a young professional American Army officer, Captain Smith had a remarkable bent for political analysis. In one week in Munich, November 15- 22, he managed to see Ludendorff, Crown Prince Rupprec

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• o Washington on November 25, 1922. Considering when it was written, it is a remarkable document. The most active political force in Bavaria at the present time [Smith wrote] is the National Socialist Labor Party. Less a political party than a popular movement, it must be considered as the Bavarian counterpart to the Italian fascist! . . . It has recently acquired a political influence quite disproportionate

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• hroughout the West- ern world at Hitler’s unexpected reasonableness. The Times of London agreed that Hitler’s claim for equality was ”irrefutable.” The Daily Herald of Lon- don, official organ of the Labor Party, demanded that Hitler be taken at his word. The conservative weekly Spectator of London concluded that Hitler had grasped the hand of Roosevelt and that this gesture provided new hope for a tormented

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• nd humanitarian, in Russian relief work. So impressed had the young Norwegian Army officer been by the success of the Communists in Russia that when he returned to Oslo he offered his services to the Labor Party, which at that time was a member of the Comintern, He proposed that he establish a ”Red Guard,” but the Labor Party was suspicious of him and his project and turned him down, He then veered to the op

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• or did not bother to answer; probably, like almost everyone else, he thought Britain was finished. So he tattled to the Germans what the British government was up to. Sir Stafford Cripps, a left-wing Labor Party leader, whom the Prime Minister had rushed to Moscow as the new British am- bassador in the hope of striking a more responsive chord among the Bolsheviks – a forlorn hope, as he later ruefully admitt

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• socialism among the German working class. In England Lloyd George and the Liberal party enacted the National Health Insurance Act in 1911 to win the workingmen's swing vote away from the socialistic Labor party. When the Labor party finally came to power after the Second World War, it nationalized the hospitals and the insurance system in the National Health Service Act. In the United States the closest the

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• ws,—was also acquired by conquest, and is the third largest area in the world. The Jewish influence now governs the British Empire. They have many representa tives in the House of Commons through the Labor party. In th e House of Lords they predominate thru their purchase of tit les and intermarriag e with the nobility. Formerly a King selected and ap pointed his lords and nobles from his brave warriors and

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• 201 Donald (labor party) government was in power; there was no substantial difference betwee n it and the preceding and suc- ceeding conservative governments. It is true now in England. The government of the British Empire

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• izon, Krushchev thundered that if the attack did not stop he would hurl missiles at all hostile targets in Europe. With pressure from Dulles, from Krushchev, and with the vociferous opposition of the Labor Party in England to contend with also, Selwyn Lloyd and Guy Mollet submitted. They called their troops to a halt. The magnificent plan, which might have done much to change the course of history during the

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• he felt the antagonism of the A . F . of L . But generally speak- ing the labor movement in politics, despite all its defeats, is getting along remarkably well, and ten times faster than the British Labor Party went in its long fight for power . The Scripps-Howard press can speak of nothing but labor defeats, but an inquiring reporter at the United States Cham- ber of Commerce or the National Association of

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• ar in the Herald Tribune's galaxy which should be replaced before it short-circuits the whole string . We refer to George E . Sokolsky . On October 19th Mr . Sokolsky wrote an article on the American Labor Party . Maintaining his old pretense of being an 'expert' on labor and radicalism (some of his best friends are radicalsl), he cooked up a mess of misrepre-

403

• nterests of labor are its first interest also . There is not one labor newspaper in America to equal the London Herald . (That paper, alas, has been turned over to a commercial printer by the British Labor Party and has lost a great deal of its power .) There are 570 labor publications in the United States, with 8,778,000 circulation, and there are several independent weeklies which are decidedly friendly to

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• of L .), 4, 228 Boettiger, John, 74, 248-251 Bonfils, Frederick, 121, 204 American Iron & Steel Institute, 326, 329 Borah, Senator William E ., 243, 308 Boston American, 181, 183, 215, 216, American Labor Party, 322 306 American Legion, 8, 201, 215, 216, 387 Boston Globe, 18o, 218 Boston Herald, 16, 224-226 American Newspaper Guild, 4, 11, 15, Boston Newspapers, Chapter 16 83, 17 1, 173, 222, 249, 255 , 323

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• true in America. The Farmers' Alliance organs are not averse to nationalizing capital as long as that invested in farming lands is left alone.—Am. Ed. * In the United States this party, the Socialist Labor Party, is already in the political arena and cast 14,000 votes in New York in 1890. Their organ The People is a weekly published in New York city.—Am. Ed. * This analysis of the English political future is

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• n a leather mini-skirt on the stage of the SDS split convention on Wabash in Chicago in June 1969, ready to rumble with the downscale pro-working class nerds and Maoists of Milton Rosen’s Progressive Labor Party, a split-off from the CPUSA. Bernardine was the MI-6 leather lady Diana Rigg of The Avengers – with a whip, she could have started a brilliant career at such establishments as Dominique’s House of Pa

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• TIONS ALLEGED TO HAVE FUNDED THE WEATHERMEN The now obscure but highly detailed survey entitled Carter and the Party of International Terrorism, 37 issued in the summer of 1976 by the long-defunct US Labor Party, alleged the involvement of a number of foundations in the origins and development of the Weathermen. This study expresses a heterodox view of the Weathermen which may nevertheless prove heuristic: .

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• By 1968, the Ford Foundation was openly funding domestic terrorism. The Weatherman organization represents the most open case, although during the 1968 New York City teachers’ strike, the Progressive Labor Party, the Socialist Workers Party and the Communist Party USA, all by that point under Institute for Policy Studies control, were bankrolled by Ford.” ( Carter and the PIT , 19) It has proven impossible t

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• ntion to his role at the Columbia strike, and it was he who was chosen as the national secretary of the rump faction of SDS controlled by the Weatherman crazies after the expulsion of the Progressive Labor Party, the International Socialists, the Labor Committees, and a number of smaller Trotskyist groups. Rudd had been chosen by the New York City television stations as the authentic student anarchist voice

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• t some of these elements persisted well into the late summer of 1921. As late as May 1921, Mussolini “was st ill thinking of the possibility that the movement would crystallize in a possible ‘Fascist Labor Party’ or ‘National Labor Party.’ On May 22 he announced that the republicanism of the Fasci must be accentuated and raised the possibility of a new agreement with the Socialists — assuming they would shed

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• believed in experimental schools and community projects as vehicles for change. In June, 1968, they attended an SDS convention in East Lansing where a sharp split was emerging between the Progressive Labor Party (PL) and the cultural revolutionaries who naturally attracted Bill and Diana. ... After the convention Diana and Bill spent part of the summer in Chicago working in the SDS national office where they

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• anthropy-corruption-what-big-media-refuses- to-disclose-about-Obamas-checkered-past-in-chicago-machine-politics/ 46 http://www.schwarzreport.org/Newsletters/1970/february1,70.htm 47 According to U.S. Labor Party, Carter and the Party of International Terrorism (New York, 1976), Bernardine Dohrn attended the University of Chicago Law School and graduated in 1965; here she worked together with Dean Edward H. L

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• looks like Greenwich, Cos Cob, and Yale carried the day. Missouri might fall to Clinton on a recount; in any case, the race was very close. Minnesota is a special case because of the Democrat Farmer-Labor Party; this was in any case a state that went for Mondale, for various reasons – not a good bellwether. To win an election, a Democrat must win the Electoral College megastates to get to the 270 plus elect

164

• ary 20, 2005) French President Jacques Chirac, Masonic initiate of Paris' Grand Orient Lodge, with Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern (left). Shimon Peres, former Prime Minister and leader of Israel's Labor Party (left), in Masonic grip with Morton L. Janklow of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). (Photo: CFR Annual Report, 1990)

19

• ntial media Trilateralist was Hedley Donovan, editor-in-chief of Time, member of the Council on Foreign Relations and director of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. According to the U.S. Labor Party: Donovan played a central role in the "faking of the President, 1976." Under his Trilateral direction, Time functioned as a black propaganda vehicle throughout the campaign and post-election period,

29

• tes, to their own collective objectives. Let's start at the beginning. The Trilateral Commission was David Rockefeller's idea and promoted with David's funds. (Leave aside for the time being the U.S. Labor party theory that Trilateralism uses the Rockefellers as a "cover" for a "British conspiracy.") An interview with George S. Franklin, former commission coordinator, by Michael Lloyd Chadwick, editor of The

23

• at they believed. Even if those beliefs went against the grain of American public opinion. A statewide poll once showed that Minnesota voters favored “independents” above either the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party or

362

• Arafat, I prefer Hamas...Arafat is a terrorist in a diplomat’s suit, while the Hamas can be hit unmercifully.” ( Ha’aretz , Dec. 4, 2001) This tirade provoked a walkout by Shimon Peres and the other Labor Party ministers. Arafat added his own view, which was that “Hamas is a creature of Israel which, at the time of Prime Minister Shamir, gave them money and more than 700 institutions, among them schools, un

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• Arafat, I prefer Hamas...Arafat is a terrorist in a diplomat’s suit, while the Hamas can be hit unmercifully.” ( Ha’aretz , Dec. 4, 2001) This tirade provoked a walkout by Shimon Peres and the other Labor Party ministers. Arafat added his own view, which was that “Hamas is a creature of Israel which, at the time of Prime Minister Shamir, gave them money and more than 700 institutions, among them schools, un

124

• looks like Greenwich, Cos Cob, and Yale carried the day. Missouri might fall to Clinton on a recount; in any case, the race was very close. Minnesota is a special case because of the Democrat Farmer-Labor Party; this was in any case a state that went for Mondale, for various reasons – not a good bellwether. To win an election, a Democrat must win the Electoral College megastates to get to the 270 plus elect

26

• d conservative thinking, lead into the fascist camp if there are no effective revolutionary organizations. Thus there was, for example, a fascization of the workers in England after the fiasco of the Labor party in 1930-31; in the elections of 1931, the workers, instead of swinging to Communism, shifted to the right. Democratic Scandinavia, also, was threatened by such a development.8 Rosa Luxemburg contende

10

• . More or less concurrent with Foster's advent into Communism, there was a merger of the two nationwide branches of the American movement — the Communist Party of the United States, and the Communist Labor Party. Together, they called themselves the Workers* Party. In 1924, a brief year after Foster had made public the fact that he was a Communist, he was named as the Workers' Party candida te for President

187

• c th an the capitalists them- selves. They put it forward to the masses not only as the way to capitalist prosperity, but also the golden road to the gradual establishment of So- cialism. The British Labor Party and trade unions became a tail to th e speed-up plans of Mond and other industrialists, endorsing the League of Nations' rationalization pr ogram, the first pro- vision of which is "to secure the max

236

• revolutionary tendency is the Conference for Progr essive Labor Action, or the so-called Muste group. This is made up of miscellaneous "progressive" petty trade union bureaucrats, remnants of the old Labor party movements, libe rals and Brookwood intellectuals, dilettante churchmen, so cial workers, etc. Its chief political expression is the "left" Stanley group in the Socialist party and its principal activ

266

• e are many others, if less important, that tend in a similar di rection. Among these are the "folded-arm" general strike conception of the Syndicalists; the sectarian scholasticism of the So- cialist Labor party and th e Proletarian party; the petty bourgeois Anarchist theories of individual violence; 4 Gandhi's non-coopera tion, non-violence program; the capitalistic Utopias of Carver, Gil- lette and others

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• groomed to play in the United States some day the role of the Mac- Donalds in Great Britain, Boncours in France, Scheidemans in Germany, etc. The wage-cutting, dole-slashing activities of the British Labor party and the German Social Democracy in their attempt to bolster up the decayin g capitalist system pre- sent clearly the perspectiv e for which the Socialist party is being built in this country. The Soc

152

• ol Israel’s media. But they’re wrong. Perhaps 85 percent of all media influence is in the hands of three families: Nimrodi, Mozes, and Shocken. All have deep intelli - gence and political ties to the Labor Party and its enforcement arm, the Shabak. News is manipulated on a daily basis. There may be no accurate reports about stories of import coming from the Israeli media. I had to get the true information ou

219

• not just to laws passed by Congress. Didn’t help Gitlow any, though. The Court returned to the “clear and present danger” test two years later in Whitney v. California (1927), which found a Communist Labor Party member guilty of breaking California’s criminal syndi - calism law. It was a law designed to fight organized crime, but it worked just fine against unions and left-wing parties as well. These laws we

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• estroyed. Perhaps it was the recognition that day-to-day co mbat was not enough, that fundamental change was needed, which stimulated the growth of revolutionary movements at this time. The Socialist Labor party, formed in 1877, was ti ny, and torn by internal arguments, but it had some influence in organizing unions among foreign workers. In Ne w York, Jewish socialists organized and put out a newspaper. In

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• calps were crawling off in all directions...." Some of the energy of resentment in late 1886 was poured into the electoral campaign for mayor of New York that fall. Trade unions formed an Independent Labor party and nominated for mayor Henry George, the radical economist, whose Prog ress and Poverty had been read by tens of thousands of workers. George's platform tells some thing about the conditions of life

226

• ally your brothers and who have had as little to do with the wrongs of Cuba as you have. Socialists opposed the war. One exception was the Jewish Daily Forward. The People, newspaper of the Socialist Labor party, called the issue of Cu ban freedom "a pretext" and said the government wanted war to "distract the attention of the work ers from their real interests." The Appeal to Reason, another Socialist newsp

227

• and other taxes. . . ." Gompers, publicly for the war, privately pointed out that the war had led to a 20 percent reduction of the purchasing power of workers' wages. On May Day, 1898, the Socialist Labor party orga nized an antiwar parade in New York City, but the authorities would not allow it to take place, while a May Day parade called by the Jewish Daily Forward, urging Jewish workers to support the wa

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• ement in the country. In the Midwest, the New Party sprang up , to give voters an alternative to conservative candidates. Rank-and-file trade unionists from acr oss the nation met in 1996 to set up a Labor Party. Would these elements come together in the nex t century, the next millennium, to fulfill their promise? No one could predict. All one could do was to act on the possib ility, knowing that inaction w

158

• almudic Rabbis and Masonic Zionists – such as the late New York Zionist known as “the Jewish Pope,” Rabbi Stephen S. Wise – are secret Jesuits controlling the Zionist government in Israel through the Labor Party for the purpose of securing Jerusalem for the P apal Caesar in Rome ], with the Reformers a Reformade [ like Billy “Bully” Graham , so accurately described in the recent rele ase, Billy Graham and Hi

291

• l visitors UFOs, 3,9,11-16,27,28,40-42,72, 91-3,97-8, 111, 154,160,161, 166, 176,177, 178,225,241,243 Ultra-terrestrials, 178,196. See also UFOnauts Ulysses (Joyce), 15,144 Unger, Sanford, 48,54 U.S. Labor Party (U.S.L.P.), 156 Upwingers (Esfandiary), 205 Uranus (planet), 12-13,161 Uri (Puharich). 173, 243. 244 Vacaville. See Leary, Timothy and im- prisonment Valle,Jacques,8,9, 12,41,42, 76, 97-8, 111, 160-6

• to be at each time-juncture. Do you want to choose yourown “self” or do you want your “soul” on ice?CD: In Sex and Drugs you reveal your acquaintance with Dr. Joel Fort. How do yourespond to the U.S. Labor Party’s charge, in their book Carter and the Party ofInternational Terrorism, that Dr. Fort’s San Francisco Project One was a“brainwashing center” that spawned the Symbionese Liberation Army syntheticzombi

• to be at each time-juncture. Do you want to choose yourown “self” or do you want your “soul” on ice?CD: In Sex and Drugs you reveal your acquaintance with Dr. Joel Fort. How do yourespond to the U.S. Labor Party’s charge, in their book Carter and the Party ofInternational Terrorism, that Dr. Fort’s San Francisco Project One was a“brainwashing center” that spawned the Symbionese Liberation Army syntheticzombi

2

• DOPE, INC. Britain's Opium War Against the U.S by a U.S. Labor Party Investigating Team directed by Konstandinos Kalimtgis David Goldman Jeffrey Steinberg

6

• Acknowledgments Dope, Inc. was commissioned in September 1978 by U.S. Labor Party National Chairman Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., and was produced under his direction. At that time the Labor Party launched an international campaign against organized crime and drug traffic. As LaRouche

133

• rcement officials, showed that the purpose of the heroin imports was the financing of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) through the creation of a drug ring in Djakarta. (19) An interview by a U.S. Labor Party investigator with a Malaysian intelligence source made in November 1978 is worth printing in full here for the insight it gives into this particular type of operation: Source: It is definitely a fact

246

• l Ferris, The City (London, 1951). 4. H. R. Reinhart, The Reporter, July 22,1952. 5. Andreyev, The Chinese Bourgeoisie, p. 120. 6. Reinhart, The Reporter. 7. This information is a byproduct of a U.S. Labor Party counterintelli- gence investigation of the operations of the Israeli intelligence agency, Mossad, for which Jarecki appears to be a "bagman." The details were cross-checked with law enforcement offic

259

• orporation, Harris was named a conspirator in a plan to raise artifi- cially the price of the world's uranium 800 percent during the 1970s. 2. This piece of information was an incidental product of a Labor Party countersurveillance operation against a number of individuals associated with the top management of Drexel Burnham Lambert. 3. A. J. Colin, Pro-Consul in Politics (New York: Macmillan, 1964). 9. ALL

343

• 342 DOPE, INC. from an investigation involving federal law enforcement officials after a July 1978 attempted assa ssination of U.S. Labor Party Chairman Lyndon LaRouche in Detroit. The "political cover" under which drugs and terror find their way into the floors of the auto plants is the Communist Labor Party of Michigan. This avowedly Maois

344

• and disruption. But the nearly $1 billion the Jacobs family put up to oust Congressman Sam Steiger, the Bronfmans' multimillion dollar expenditure for political and economic warfare agai nst the U.S. Labor Party, and the $1 million "war chest" that Resorts International assembled to put across legalized casino gambling in New Jersey by legisla- tive fiat, provide sufficient warning that the sums spent on ill

346

• tions. A November 13, 1978, expose of the Philadelphia Foundation in the Philadelphia Daily News brought to public light the incriminating information that had, independently, been gathered by a U.S. Labor Party investigative team.

358

• is includes most especially Horace S. Webb. 6. Jeremy Jacobs admitted to the activities directed against Steiger under questioning during 1972 hearings of the House Select Committee on Crime. 7. U.S. Labor Party Legal Division, "E vidence to Overturn the Fraud- ulent Election of James Earl Carter," Campaigner Special Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, N ovember 26, 1976); U.S. Labor Party Legal Divis

359

• 358 DOPE, INC. York: Campaigner Publications, De cember 9, 1976). The Committee for Fair Elections, a nonpartisan citizen s group representing participation from the U.S. Labor Party, the Democratic, Republican, and American Independent parties, initiated official investigations and selective court actions in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, New York, and Ohio as the result of accumulate

379

• Red Army, the Puerto Rican terrorist Armed For ces of National Liberation (FALN), and the Black Liberation Army. See also Carter and the Party of Inter- national Terrorism, Special Report by the U.S. Labor Party, August, 1976. 23. Mary Jo Warth, "The Story of Acid Profiteers," Village Voice, August 22,1974. 24. Ibid. 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid. 27. Hutchinson, Vesco.

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• 394 DOPE, INC. orators of the U.S. Labor Party team conducted a public meeting in Paris to present the results of the investigation. The meeting was attacked by 20 ho oded and armed members of the fascist organization, Betar. French police were o

4

• Awareness suggests that in terms of the information which this Awareness has given, It did not say to support Dr. Beter, to Support Spotlight, to support the information of the New Solidarity or U.S. Labor Party- this Awareness indicated that these were sources of infomation which could not be found in otherplaces. This Awareness indicates that these sources of information add to one's general understanding

5

• onsciousness. This Awareness indicates that the information released from the controlled press preseqts a certain viewpoint which is prevalent in consciousness. This Awareness indicates that the U.S. Labor Party is generally considered to be left-wing, the New Solidarity newspaper as representing a sorner*~hst 'zftirt approach to political evaluations. This Awareness suggests the Spot- Light as that which ge

22

• op the Wheel of Karma right here". This Awareness indicates that there is certain information regarding the action of World War I1 which can be extremely shocking to many Jewish people, that the U.S. Labor Party presents much of this information. This Awareness indicates that essentially, it boils down to the fact that the persons who began setting up Hitler, and pressed the issues which led to World War 11;

37

• at the U.S. Labor Par as recently releasing information regarding the nature of that which this Awareness has called the Illuminati, xe Black Illuminati. This Awareness indicates this apa by the U.S. Labor Party as a supplementary magazine titled Black Internationalists-The Knights o Malta. his Awae d f ness indicates the information given in this paper as bein accurate and being in greater detail an has bee

38

• k by Ron Steele as accurate and the probability of the Stock Market Crash and the comin depression, and the imp- lementation of the Executive Powers and the references to the Constitution and the uI. Labor Party and its release of information as indicated throughout this summer .... this Awareness suggests that this information be released. This Awareness indicates that the information being given NOW as tha

41

• e obtained by writing: P.O. Box 115, Olympia, Washington, 98507 The Dr. Beter Audio Letter To Subscribe to the Newspaper, "New Solidarity' please write to P.O. BOX 16428, Ft. Worth, Texas, 76133 U.S. Labor Party 231 W. 29th St. , N.Y., N.Y. 10001 NOTE: extra copies of this special UFO Report are available for a $4.00 donation per copy. Ofht pro05 are available for $10.00 per set. Entities are requested to co

21

• try, and the Socialist International coordinates the worldwide socialist movement. It is one of the four most powerful groups in the world, yet most people have never heard of it.[51] In England, the Labor Party acts as a front group for the Fabian Socialist Society which was organized in 1884 by George Bernard Shaw and his friends. Shaw explained socialism in his book, An Intelligent Woman's Guide to Social

226

• he lake country. Ice flows can oc- casionally block river waters and cause flooding. Politically, this northern state has historically had a leftist or populist background grown out of the Farmer and Labor Party which have now largely merged with the Democratic Party. Conservatives, however, made a huge comeback in 2010 that left Republicans in control of the legislature for the first time since 1972. The el

164

• ary 20, 2005) French President Jacques Chirac, Masonic initiate of Paris' Grand Orient Lodge, with Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern (left). Shimon Peres, former Prime Minister and leader of Israel's Labor Party (left), in Masonic grip with Morton L. Janklow of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). (Photo: CFR Annual Report, 1990)

27

• ework and laundry for his food, and by rewinnowing chaff for grain makes enough to feed ten people. When they call for conscription, his crippled body rambles at leisure, and when there's a community labor party, since he's listed among the chronically ill, he never makes muster. When they pass out welfare grain, he gets three full measures along with ten loads of firewood. His form is crippled, to be sure,

240

• -ism, -ism; and then you, of course, you get the socialist using capitalistic economics, the capitalist using socialistic economics. I don't know how they do that, but they do, you know? You know the Labor Party right now uses nothing but capitalistic economics. They're dedicated to the destruction of capitalism, but they're using capitalistic economics. I don't know how they're going to succeed with that. T

386

• -ism, -ism; and then you, of course, you get the socialist using capitalistic economics, the capitalist using socialistic economics. I don't know how they do that, but they do, you know? You know the Labor Party right now uses nothing but capitalistic economics. They're dedicated to the destruction of capitalism, but they're using capitalistic economics. I don't know how they're going to succeed with that. T

304

• -ism, -ism; and then you, of course, you get the socialist using capitalistic economics, the capitalist using socialistic economics. I don’t know how they do that, but they do, you know? You know the Labor Party right now uses nothing but capitalistic economics. They’re dedicated to the destruction of capitalism, but they’re using capitalistic economics. I don’t know how they’re going to succeed with that. T

42

• d conservative thinking, lead into the fascist camp if there are no effective revolutionary organizations. Thus there was, for example, a fascization of the workers in England after the fiasco of the Labor party in 1930-31; in the elections of 1931, the workers, instead of swinging to Communism, shifted to the right. Democratic Scandinavia, also, was threatened by such a development.8 Rosa Luxemburg contende

563

• a ‘White Australia’ policy was pursued. The term was first usedin the 1880s. It was cast in legislation in the CommonwealthImmigration Restriction Act of 1901, and was the policy of theAustralian Labor Party—the first national social democratic gov-ernment in the world—and of its affiliate, the Australian Workers’Union. The aim was to achieve an ethnically homogeneous soci-ety, and it was based on contem

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• lia54711Jupp,Immigration, pp. 213 f.12Bilimoria, pp. 733 f. The most formal statement was a Labor Government document,Our Nation: Multicultural Australia and the 21st Century, Canberra, 1999. But the Labor Partylost the next election and there have been public protests during electioneering aganist‘liberal’ immigration policies.13On Australian policy on religion and culture see G. Bouma, ‘Cultural Diversity,

95

• In all cases, I advise one to check sources. Some of the interconnections are star - tling; Ghandi and the Theosophical Society, the Rite of Memphis and Mizraim, the radical Carbonari, the Socialist Labor Party—all interconnect without the least link - age to conspiracy theo- ries, and explain a lot of subsequent histor y. Some suggested sourcebooks: In Search of tbe Masters—Behind the Occult Myth by Paul J

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• nously around the world which aggravated "situations" that developed into wars or revolutions. Standard Oil achieves a fleet of ocean-going ships. Lenin, Trotsky and others form the Social Democratic Labor Party. Diptheria vaccination program begins. Over the period lasting until 1907, 63,249 cases of diptheria were treated with anti-toxin. Over 8,900 died, giving a fatality rate of 14%. Over the same period